The
Fourth Conference of ASHM
——“Crossing
the Social and Ethnical Boundaries”——
Lijiang·Yunnan·China
November
4-6,
2008
Conference Schedule
2008.11.3
(Monday)
All day
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Registration (suggestion:visit the Chama Ancient Route Museum in
town by yourself )
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2008.11.4
(Tuesday)
8:00-9:00
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Breakfast
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9:00-9:40
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Opening
Ceremony & Award the
History of Medicine Taniguchi Medal
Chairperson: Prof. Liao
Yuqun
( Director of The
Institute for the History of Natural Science , Chinese
Academy
of Sciences)
Speech: Prof. Shizu
Sakai ( President of
the Asian Society for the History of Medicine)
Award
Prize: Prof. Shizu
Sakai
Award
Recipient:
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10:00-12:00
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Session I
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Room A, Chair:Zhu De-ming
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Room B,Chair:Chang Che-chia
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1、Liang Yong-xuan:A study of the records of Japan-Korea
conversation by writing in medicine
2、Mayanagi
Makoto:YANG Shoujing’s textual criticisms and
publications of medical books, and the philological
works by the Japanese scholars who criticized old
medical texts in the Edo period.
3、Chen Ming:Cross-cultural transmission of medicine
from Greek Antiquity to pre-modern Japan: As a case of
the recipe “Theriaca of the Four”
4、Chin
Shih-ch`i:古步识小
|
1、Li Shang-Jen:Miraculous Medicine in a Heathen Land:
Medical Missions to Nineteenth-Century China
2、Yan
Yi-wei:Patients in
the Early Missionary Hospitals in China
3、LI
Nai-shi:From J.P.
Maxwell to Shih-Hao Liu——Research of Osteomalacia in
Peking Union Medical College during 1920’s
and 1930’s
4、Huang
Yan-hong:Flexible
Discovery and its Culture: A history of Acupuncture
Anesthesia in China
|
12:00-13:30
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Lunch
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13:30-15:00
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Session II
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Room A, Chair: Liang
Yong-xuan
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Room B,Chair: Zhen Cheng
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1、Qiu
Le:The Influence
of Taoist External Alchemy to 《Leigong Paozhi
Lun》
2、Chang
Che-chia:The Foreign
Extension of Chinese Medical Theory of Locality
in the Early Modern Period
3、Zhen
Cheng:The
Comparative Study of Psychiatry between TCM and
Western Medicine ----Both in 19th Century
|
1、Chen Hsiu-fen:Knowledge of ‘Nourishing Life’,
Technology of the Body and Social Strata in Late Ming China:
A Comparative Perspective
2、Uchino
Hanna:Nurse and
Mother’s Milk in East Asia from the Viewpoint of the
Life Concept
3、Pan
Xun‧Tang
Bo-you:战争环境下的社会医疗关怀—略论抗战时期大后方的医疗救护
|
15:00-15:20
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Break
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15:20-17:20
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Session III
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Room A, Chair: Mayanagi
Makoto
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Room B,Chair: Liang Rong
|
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1、Han Yi:Policies of Benevolence and Conducts
State affairs of Medical book: the Spread of Taiping
Shenghuifang in Song China——A
Study on Knowledge Spheres of Medical
Prescriptions and Society During the Song 960~1279,
China
2、Li Shu-hui:Transmitting
and inheriting of medical knowledge in Song dynasty
from Su-Shen liang fang
3、Wu Zhi-yuan:香料与中医
4、Liang Rong‧罗大中:Have a restricted view of the Jiangnan
medical culture in the late qing dynasty — analysing
the mistreatment
cases in《WangMengying
medical records》
|
1、Aerin
Peijung Chiang:病人与医者-十七至十九世纪台湾医疗手抄本探讨
2、Su
Yi-zhang:医疗内容的变迁-台湾医疗手抄本的外
科病名与症状
3、Chang
Shu-ching:Foreign Aid and Transformation of Nursing
Education and Practice in Postwar Taiwan:A Preliminary Analysis
4、Chang Su-bing:移民、疾病与环境——以台湾的农业移民为例
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2008.11.5
(Wednesday)
8:00-9:00
|
Breakfast
|
9:00-10:30
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Session IV
|
Room A, Chair: Su
Yi-zhang
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Room B,Chair: Chu Ping-yi
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1、Chen Hao:Carving the Formulary on the Rock for
Diffusing the Medicine Knowledge to Cure the Sick
People: the Fluidity of Medicine Knowledge between
Different Estates and Areas in the Records of the
Inscriptions and Remdies of Longmen Grottoes in the
Early Period of Tang Dynasty
2、Liang Tong:The evolution of Wu Xing theory in the
ancient Chinese divinatory and medical books between
Jin Dynasty and Sui Dynasty
3、Rong Zhi-yi:The Metaphor of " Xiao Mo "—— View
of Medicine and Disease and the Custom of Folk
Medicine
|
1、Zhu
Jian-ping:体质学说:中医与朝医的不同诠释
2、Zhang Yu-qing:Middle
Western medicine theory is not allowed to comparing
with comparing —— primitive thought with concept thought
3、Yu Shi-jie:Discusses the Zhuang national minority
witch doctor and the Zhuang national minority
medicine's origin relations
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10:30-10:50
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Break
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10:50-12:20
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Session V
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Room A, Chair: Chen Hao
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Room B,Chair: Rong Zhi-yi
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1、Chu
Ping-yi:Brain
Anatomical Knowledge in 18th century China
2、Su Jing-jing:Christianity During Plagues —— Examples
of Black Death in Medieval Age and Cholera in 19th
Century
3、Li Hua-cheng:The Significance of Plague for
Intellectual History —— On the cognizance of the Black Death in Medieval England
|
1、Zhu De-ming:Epidemics and regional diseases in
contemporary Zhejiang
2、Wang
Jian-guo:The Teaching of Medical Science History
in STS Education
3、Lan Yong-mei:论
医学生的人文素质培养
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12:20-14:00
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Lunch
|
14:00-15:00
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ASHM Members’ Meeting
|
15:00-16:00
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General Discussion & Closing
Ceremony. Chair:LEE Jen-der
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2008.11.6 (Saturday)
8:00-9:00
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Breakfast
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9:00-12:00
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Tour & Expedition:Baisha town→Dongba
|
12:30
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Transported
to old town for visit, lunch not included.
|
|
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List of Participants
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姓名
(Name)
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单位
(Affiliation)
|
|
1
|
陈 昊
Chen Hao
|
北京大学历史学系
|
|
2
|
陈 明
Chen Ming
|
北京大学东方文学研究中心
|
|
3
|
陈秀芬
Chen Hsiu-fen
|
台湾政治大学历史学系
|
|
4
|
韩 毅
Han Yi
|
中国科学院自然科学史所
|
|
5
|
洪士培
Hung Shih-Pei
|
Institute of Social
and Cultural Anthropology, Oxford University
|
|
6
|
黄艳红
Huang Yan-hong
|
中国科学院自然科学史所
|
|
7
|
江佩蓉
Aerin Peijung Chiang
|
台湾台中中国医药大学
|
|
8
|
金仕起
Chin Shih-ch`i
|
台湾国立政治大学历史学系
|
|
9
|
酒井静
Shizu Sakai
|
顺天堂大学
|
|
10
|
兰咏梅
Lan Yong-mei
|
西北民族大学医学院临床教研室
|
|
11
|
李化成
Li Hua-cheng
|
陕西师范大学历史文化学院
|
|
12
|
李乃适
LI Nai-shi
|
中国医学科学院 北
京协和医学院
|
|
13
|
李尚仁
Li Shang-Jen
|
中央研究院历史语言研究所
|
|
14
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李淑慧
Li Shu-hui
|
北京大学中国古代史研究中心
|
|
15
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李贞德
Jen-der LEE
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台湾中央研究院历史语言研
究所
|
|
16
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梁 茼
Liang Tong
|
广州中医药大学
|
|
17
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梁 嵘
Liang Rong
|
北京中医药大学基础医学院中医诊断系
|
|
18
|
梁永宣
Liang Yong-xuan
|
北京中医药大学医史教研室
|
|
19
|
廖育群
Liao Yuqun
|
中科院自然科学史研究所
|
|
20
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内野花
Uchino
Hanna
|
日本关西大学 大
学院文学研究科
|
|
21
|
潘 询
Pan Xun
|
西南大学历史文化学院
|
|
22
|
邱 玏
Qiu Le
|
中国中医科学院中国医史文献研究所
|
|
23
|
容志毅
Rong Zhi-yi
|
广西民族大学科学技术与社会发展研究中心
|
|
24
|
苏静静
Su Jing-jing
|
北京大学医学部科学技术史
|
|
25
|
苏奕彰
Su Yi-zhang
|
中国医药大学
|
|
26
|
唐伯友
Tang Bo-you
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西南大学历史文化学院
|
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27
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王建国
Wang Jian-guo
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郧阳医学院数理教研室
|
|
28
|
吴致远
Wu
Zhi-yuan
|
广西民族大学 物电学院
|
|
29
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鄢良
Yan Liang
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中国中医科学院
|
|
30
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颜宜葳
Yan Yi-wei
|
中国科学院自然科学史所
|
|
31
|
玉时阶
Yu Shi-jie
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广西民族大学瑶学研究中心
|
|
32
|
张大庆
Zhang Da-qing
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北京大学医学部
|
|
33
|
张淑卿
Chang Shu-ching
|
长庚大学医学系人文及社会医学科
|
|
34
|
张素玢
Chang Su-bing
|
台湾师范大学台湾史研究所
|
|
35
|
张玉清
Zhang Yu-qing
|
河南中医学院人文学院
|
|
36
|
张哲嘉
Chang Che-chia
|
台湾中央研究院近代史研究所
|
|
37
|
真柳诚
Mayanagi Makoto
|
国立茨城大学
|
|
37
|
甄 橙
Zhen Cheng
|
北京大学医史学研究中心
|
|
38
|
朱德明
Zhu De-ming
|
浙江医学高等专科学校
|
|
39
|
朱建平
Zhu Jian-ping
|
中国中医科学院中国医史文献研究所
|
|
40
|
祝平一
Chu Ping-yi
|
中研院史语所
|
|
|
|
|
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Abstracts
◎◎◎ Section 1-A
1、梁永宣:日朝医学笔谈资料研究
本研究调査了日本各地收蔵的江户时期朝鲜通信使中的医学交流书籍,除书名、内容、所藏
地重复外,最终确认日本所藏日朝医家笔谈书籍为27种,收藏地以日本国立公文书馆内阁文库为首,其余分布于京都大学富士川文库、东京大学、东北大学狩野文库
等56家图书馆及文库。研究证实,记录高峰集中于1712至1763年的第8-11次通信使赴日,1748年最多。通过对27种书籍的简要分析,概括出如下特点:⑴中国文化深深根植于日本及朝鲜国土中;⑵中日韩三国之间的书籍流传是医家沟通的基础;⑶朝鲜良医大多精通中国医学理论,采用辨证论治,重视脉诊,临床治疗经验丰富,应用灵活。日本医家以寻问药
物学知识为主,同时渴望了解诊治难病的临床经验,并重视文献版本研究。⑷参加笔谈的日朝二国医家均有一定知名度;⑸日本医家重视发表与朝鲜医家的笔谈记録。27种蔵于日本各地的医学笔谈书籍,不仅是日朝医学交流的历史见证,同时亦可作为今后继续探讨日中朝(韩)三
国间乃至东亚医学交流史的重要参考文献。
A study of the records of Japan-Korea
conversation by writing in
medicine
In this research, I
investigated the medical exchange record in all around Japan concerning the Korean
goodwill missions in
the Edo period, and
conclusively distinguished
27 different records of conversations by writing literary
Chinese as only a
common language for communication between Korean and Japanese
physicians,
except duplications of book names, context or locations of
possession. The
records were found in the total 56 libraries and collections
in Japan; of them,
the National Archives of Japan has the largest number of
records; the other
records have been held at the Fujikawa Collection 富士川文庫 in Kyoto
University, at the University of Tokyo, at the Kano
Collection 狩野文庫 in the Tohoku
University etc. This paper also shows the peak of the record
number
concentrates on 1712 to 1763, when the 8th - 11th
Korean
goodwill missions [Choson Tongsinsa 朝鮮通信使] came to Japan,
and the number of the 1748’s
records is the largest. Through a brief analysis of the 27
kind of records, I
roughly mentioned the following features: (1) the Chinese
civilization had been
ingrained in Japan
and Korea.
(2) The
distribution of medical books among the three countries, China, Japan
and Korea,
is the foundation of communication between the physicians. (3)
The most of
Korean reputable physicians obtained a mastery of the theory
in TCM, adopted
the treatments based on syndrome differentiation [Bianzheng
lunzhi 辨証論治], valued pulse
taking [Maizhen 脈診], had rich clinical
experience and adapted TCM to circumstances at will.
Contrastively Japanese
physicians mainly asked the Korean physicians about
pharmaceutical knowledge,
and also desired to know diagnostic approach to obstinate
diseases and
therapeutic experience of them, and emphasized philological
and bibliographical
works. (4) Every participant physicians in the conversations
had certain
reputations. (5) Japanese physicians valued to publish the
records of the conversation
with the Korean physicians. The 27 kind of conversation
records, which are held
in all around Japan, are therefore not only historical
witnesses to medical
exchange between Japan and Korea, but are also important
reference, which
should be continuously examined hereafter, to Medical exchange
among the three
countries, Japan, China and Korea.
2、眞柳诚:杨守敬的医书校刊及江户考证医学家的文献研究
楊守敬於明治13~17年赴日,購入諸多善本古籍,竝受到森立之的協助。森氏是幕末、明治初期考證醫學者,故楊氏得到不少醫書。
楊守敬還在日本編刊了《古逸叢書》,回國後曾從事出版活動。以往有關他出版醫書的整體狀況分析及背景研究尚不充分。本文研究表明,他
出版的醫書,主要有《聿修堂醫學叢書》13種(1884)、景宋本《脈經》(1893)、《武昌醫館叢書》8種(1904-12)等。另,臺北故宮所藏醫家類古籍803部中有楊氏觀海堂本451部,其中醫書尤以小島氏舊藏書為多。小島氏任幕府醫官,名尚質,其子為尚真、尚絅。他們致力於古籍校讐,
收藏善本頗多。楊氏1890年赴日,恰逢小島家最後一代尚絅去世,家藏古籍幾乎為楊氏所得。因此楊氏歸國後校刊的古醫籍,也反映了小
島氏等幕末文獻學的研究成果。
YANG Shoujing’s textual criticisms and
publications of medical
books, and the philological works by the Japanese scholars who
criticized old
medical texts in the Edo
period.
YANG Shoujing 楊守敬,
who had been to Japan from the 13th year to 17th year
(1880-1884) in the Meiji
era, purchased a large number of reliable books there, and
also obtained MORI
Risshi’s 森立之 help. Since MORI was
a scholar
who criticized old medical texts between the end of the Edo
period and the early Meiji era, YANG succeeded in gathering a
large number of
medical books. Then YANG compiled Guyi Congshu 古逸叢書
(Medical Series) and published it in Japan. After returning to
China,
he had
pursued a publishing business. However, until now there has
been insufficient
research to analyze the whole circumstance concerning medical
books printed by
YANG and to investigate its background. This paper shows: the
medical books
printed by him are mainly Isshudo Yixue Congshu 聿修堂醫學叢書 in
8 books (1884); the facsimile of the Song edition of Maijing 脈經
(1893); Wuchang Yiguan Congshu 武昌醫館叢書 in 8
books (1904-12) and others. On the other hand, 451 books of
the total 809
medical books in possession of the National Palace Museum in
Taiwan are the
form of Yangshi Guanhaitang 楊氏觀海堂; the
largest number of YANG’s books are Kojima’s 小島
old stock. Kojima, who named Naotaka 尚質, was an
official physician of the shogunate. He had two sons, named
Naozane 尚真
and Shoukei 尚絅. This
triad had worked hard on text criticising and collected many
reliable books.
YANG visited Japan
in the 1890, when the last Kojima family Shoukei had passed
away. Kojima’s
books therefore became his collection. That is to say that the
old medical
books, printed by him after returning to China, reflect the
Japanese scholar’s
philological accomplishments at the end of Edo period, such as
the Kojima family’s
work.
3、陈明:从古希腊到江户时代的日本:一个跨越时空的药方“四物荅儿牙吉”考
底野迦(Theriaca)
是古代希臘和羅馬流行的一種著名解毒劑,也演化爲一種萬能藥,長期在西方和中世紀的伊斯蘭地區廣爲使用。隋唐之際,底野迦由拂菻景教
徒傳入中國。有關theriac的醫方有數種,所使用的藥物及主治的功能略有
不同。隨著文化的傳播,逐漸從古代西方傳到了西亞的敍利亞、阿拉伯地區甚至明清時代的東亞世界。明末清初,西方傳教士往往携帶此藥,
來到亞洲(南亞、東南亞和東亞),使之成爲傳播福音的一件工具。康熙時期,此藥成爲清宮廷的一劑萬能良藥,頗受推崇。底野迦與宗教的
關係密切,其在亞洲的傳播,先後依托了景教、伊斯蘭教與天主教。
在明初《回回藥方》的漢語殘抄本中,保留了一個相關藥方的名稱“四物荅
兒牙吉”。
荅兒牙吉,對應拉丁文Theriac、阿拉伯文Tiryàq,即唐《新修本草》中的“底野迦”。“四物荅兒牙吉”(Tiryàq al-arba‘t)
是由四味藥物配製的一付底野迦方劑,也被當作是窮人使用的底野迦,與使用鴉片、毒蛇肉入藥專事解毒的底野迦略有不同。該藥方至少在古
代希臘、敍利亞和中古阿拉伯、中國以及江戶時代的日本文獻中出現過,比較典型地顯示了藥物交流與地域文化變遷之間的關係,可以作爲一
個跨越族群與時空交流的藥方例證。本文以此藥方為例,梳理其在東西方的變遷和傳播的歷程,以及多個時代和地域的文化是如何接受和改造
這一充滿了傳奇色彩的藥物及其方劑的。
Cross-cultural
transmission
of medicine from Greek Antiquity to pre-modern Japan:
As a
case of the recipe “Theriaca of the Four”
As the most celebrated medicinal remedy in recorded
history, theriaca (thēriakã /theriac /thériaque) was a ‘universal
antidote’ against the bites of serpents, mad dogs and wild beasts,
and later became a panacea to cure
all known diseases. It was originated in Greek antiquity, and
then was
prevalent in the Roman Empery. In ancient Arab-Islamic
world, Diryàq (tiryàq/téryaqi/theriac) was also a famed
and popular
antidote. During the Sui Dynasty(581-618CE) and early Tang
Period(618-906CE),Theriac(Diyejia底野迦)
pills were brought by some Nestorian monks from Fu-Lin region
in Western Asia
into China, and recorded in Xinxiu
bencao新修本草(Newly Revised Pharmacopoeia) which
edited
by Su Jing蘇敬 in the
early Tang.
Theriac was a compound medicine containing a lot of
ingredients from animal,
vegetable and mineral, especially money, opium and flesh
of vipers. Along with the transmission of Euro-Asian cultures,
European theriac
gradually appeared in Syria,
Arab-Islamic regions, China
and Japan.
In King Kanxi’s康熙(1662-1722CE)
Court, Jesuits’ theriacs were still deemed to be a kind of
‘sacred medicine’ to
treat various diseases. Chinese physicians in royal court also
would like to
use it. Anyway, It is worthy while to notice the relationship
between the use
of theriac and religions; for example, the transmission of
theriac in Asia depended on
the activities of missionaries of
Nestorianism, Islam and Catholicism respectively.
In Huihui Yaofang回
回藥方(Muslim Medicinal
Recipes) which probably copied in early Ming period (14th
century),
there is a recipe called Siwu da-er-ya-ji四物荅兒牙吉in the 15th Fascicle. The Chinese da-er-ya-ji
is a
transliteration of Arabic Tiryàq or Diryàq,originally Latin theriac
via Syrian Têryâķê or Têrîrķî. Many Muslim
physicians mentioned
this Tiryàq al-arba ‘t (Theriac of the Four) recipe,
which contains four
main ingredients, namely seed of laurel, gentian (jantiyànà), long
aristolochia(zaràwand ñawil)
and myrrha. This
recipe is very different from the above-mentioned theriac
recipe that uses
opium and flesh of vipers.
It could treat poison and other many kinds of diseases, also
called “the poor
Theriac”. This “Theriac of the Four” was mentioned not only in
the ancient
Greek, Syria
and medieval
Arabic world and China
respectively, but also in Japanese literature narrated by the
merchants or
Jesuit physicians from Netherlands.
In very different space -time of Arab-world or Japanese
islands, this recipe
has a few changes so as to make suitable to indigenous herbs.
This paper will discuss the transmission of theriac via
sea route
with reference to “Theriac of the Four”, a case of crossing
the social and
religious boundaries. It will discuss the way in which this
recipe changed and was
received by local cultures in different space-time and also
reveal the
influence of ancient western medicine on pre-modern eastern
Asian regions.
4、金仕起:古步识小
這
篇論文旨在以傳統中國文獻中的步字為主軸,探討相關詞彙的意義與源流。步字的形體最初大概取象於人足前後相隨之跡,其意義則隨所在文
獻脈絡而有不同。作為行步之舉,步可以蹈、履等字合觀,而和征伐、巡省、勘察、推度等統治者的政治控制、疆土管理等行動發生聯繫。作
為行趨之節,步往往和武、行、走、趨、奔、翔等字相參,與所在的禮制空間有所連繫,可以彰顯個人的威儀禮容,反映人君的治術良窳和國
家的政情興衰。作為度量單位與技術,步可供測量長短和計算方圜面積,如步天之術可用以推度天時星曆,如步畝之數則可以掌握輿地廣狹,
及租稅賦役,是國家統治的重要基石;作為祭名或祭祀對象,如馬步、鬼步之屬,可以祈福祥、禳禍災;作為生生之具,如禹步、步罡之術,
又可以厭禁鬼物、療治疾病,或養生延年;在文學的領域中,又常見步虛之歌以描寫僊家的境界或抒發個人的心情。可以說,步既是古人認識
世界不可或缺的途徑,也是古人追求福祉、解決生命遭遇之疑難的重要技術之一,更是表達心境、信仰的一類媒介。那麼,這些各式各樣跨越
政治、禮俗和宗教等不同領域、不同意義的步彼此之間有無關係?如果有,是哪些關係?這些關係能不能反映傳統中國哪些有關身體、心靈和
宇宙的觀念或思維的特色?這些,就是本文嘗試探討的主要問題。
◎◎◎ Section 1-B
1、李尚仁:在异教国度的奇迹医学:十九世纪西方传教医学在中国
本文探討十九世紀西方醫療傳教士在中國的活動以及他們所激起的爭議與衝
突。傳教士希望透過慈善醫療手段解除中國人身體病痛,博取中國人好感,促使他們樂於接受基督教福音。醫療傳教士偏好使用外科手術治療
白內障、割除腫瘤或是摘除膀胱結石,透過立即療效的戲劇效果讓中國人信服西方醫學。然而,強調西方醫學神奇的療效卻有其危險。許多中
國人認為傳教醫師在施行邪術,攻擊基督教的謠言、揭帖與小冊一再宣稱傳教士剜中國人眼睛、割掉中國人的內臟乃至取出孕婦懷中胎兒來煉
製迷藥與鴉片。這類謠言激起了好幾起攻擊傳教士的暴動事件。本文分析傳教士如何透過宗教儀式與論述使得他們的醫療活動具有濃厚的宗教
意涵,檢視中國人對於傳教醫學神奇色彩的反應,並且探討反對基督教的士大夫為何認為西方醫學是種邪術,以及他們如何透過中國傳統醫學
理論、民俗傳說以及正邪之分的文化傳統來了解傳教醫療活動,進而動員民眾加以反對。
Miraculous
Medicine
in a Heathen Land:
Medical Missions to Nineteenth-Century China
This paper examines
the
controversies aroused by western medical missionaries in China. The missionaries utilized
surgical
proceedings with dramatic effects to facilitate the conversion
of the
Chinese. However, the
emphasis on
the miraculous aspects of western surgery had its danger. Many
Chinese
identified the missionary medics as witch doctors. The Chinese
anti-missionary
propaganda repeatedly claimed that the missionaries gouged out
the eyes of the
Chinese for their practice of alchemy, and took away the
organs of the natives
to produced magic pills and opium. Several anti-missionary
riots were
instigated by this kind of rumours. This paper analyzes the
ways the missionaries
imbued their medical practices with religious meanings through
rituals and
discourse. It also discusses native reactions to the
miraculous dimension of
western medicine, especially how the anti-missionary Chinese
gentry perceived
western medical practice as a form of witchcraft through the
filter of their
cultural resources such as Chinese medical theories,
literature and folklore.
2、颜宜葳:中国早期教会医院中的病人
世界历史上最早的医院是一些慈善机构,直至19世纪中期,医院病人的主要成分仍是被社会抛弃的人。1835年以来,基督新教传教士医生以医院为载体在中国施医送药和传布基督教义。这些医院所处的社会环境与在西方
本土有很大的不同,病人的成分及其与医生的关系也与西方有异。为了认识教会医院在中国发展的过程,了解医院病人的构成实属必要。本文
通过总结医院报告中的病案记录及有关的少量统计,尝试回答病人的性别、年龄、职业、社会经济地位、所患疾病、留院时间、治愈率、收
费、归信基督教等情况,在此基础上讨论早期教会医院的性质和立足策略。
Patients in the Early Missionary
Hospitals in China
Hospital emerged in
Islamic World
and in Europe, first to
function as a
philanthropic institution rather than a clinical center. Until the middle of the
19th century,
hospital patients consisted mainly of those who had been
thrown away by the
society.
Around this period,
medical
science and medical profession in the West went through an
accelerating process
of fundamental transformation. Meanwhile since 1835,
protestant medical
missionaries, for the purpose of spreading their Christianity,
began to bring
western medicine to China
on a relatively large scale; hospitals thus were chosen as the
vehicle in which
to carry on medical and religious activities, as well as a
doorway to approach
the often indifferent or even hostile Chinese common people.
Unlike their
counterparts in the West, early missionary hospitals in China
were
placed in a unique social setting where the physician and the
patients spoke
different languages and held contradictory cultural and
religious notions. Yet
those rudimentary hospitals put down their roots whatsoever
and gradually grew
up into well-known local institutions, a change in a large
extent effected
through the influences that those hospitals had on their
patients. The types
and attitudes of the hospital patients, in turn, helped to
shape the characters
of the establishment. Therefore,
when
questions are asked as to the nature and practices of early
missionary
hospitals, there will be a necessity to have clear ideas about
the patients
they treated.
Some
earliest missionary hospitals in China have left
their annual reports, which are the immediate records of their
activities into
which we still have access today. Quite a few reports noted
down cases of
special medical interests, and occasionally a statistics of
patients’
backgrounds was given. From nearly a hundred such hospital
reports, data have
been collected regarding the hospital patients. The following
questions are
asked: (1) Gender, age, occupation of the patient, was he/she
poor or rich? How
many female patients were there, did the proportion change as
time passed? (2)
How far did the patient come from? Was he a native? Was he/she
friendless? (3)
Why did the patient enter the hospital? Had he/she been
solicited by the
doctor? Had he/she been introduced by a friend? Or was he/she
simply driven
into the hospital by some intolerable suffering? Was he/she
there merely out of
curiosity? (4) What disease did the patient suffer from? How
long was the
duration? Was it serious? Had the patient ever been treated by
other
physicians, no matter a western or a Chinese one? (5) What was
the average
length of stay in a hospital? (6) Did anyone pay for the
treatment? In what
form? What was the attitude of them to diseases and
treatments? (7) Why did the
patient leave? Was he/she cured? Was he/she discharged by the
physician, or
he/she went away by their own? (8) What was the attitude of
the patient to
Christianity? How many converts were there?
In replying these
questions, this
paper tried to outline the conditions and experiences of
patients in the early
missionary hospitals, to discuss the discrepancies between
ideals held and
reality met by the missionary hospitals, and to find out some
of the reasons
why these transplanted institutions were accepted by the
Chinese soil.
3、李乃适:
从Maxwell到刘士豪——二十世纪二三十年代北
京协和医学院的骨软化症研究
北京协和医学院在洛克菲勒基金会的全力支持
下,以美国约翰斯·霍普金斯医学院为范本,于二十世纪二、三十年代进入鼎盛时期,成为远东最好的医学院之一。其有关骨软化症的钙磷代
谢研究不仅为我国奠定了内分泌学的基础,而且在世界医学史上有着非常重要的地位。本文根据当时的文献资料,简要介绍了北京协和医学院
骨软化症研究的概况,并对该研究能够取得较大成就的原因进行了初步探讨。在北京协和医学院,最初研究骨软化症的是第一任妇产科主任J.P.Maxwell,他对山西、陕西等北方地区骨软化症的发病情况进行了实地考察,并且组织了一些初步的代谢研究。此后的代
谢研究由内科的代谢病房负责,开始是R.R.Hannon教授,后来是由刘
士豪教授的团队负责,团队成员包括刘士豪、朱宪彝、王叔咸、周寿恺等。生物化学系的吴宪教授对中国人食物的营养学分析为进
行骨软化症的钙磷代谢研究打下了可靠的基础,使骨软化症的代谢研究能够精确地进行。这项研究的顶峰是刘士豪和朱宪彝提出的“肾性骨营
养不良”的命名,并且沿用至今。然而,随着太平洋战争的爆发,北京协和医学院被日军接管,有关骨软化症钙磷代谢的研究戛然而止。本案
例说明了北京协和医学院初期的成功模式:来自于世界各国的优秀人才将先进的理念和方法学引入我国,并结合中国实际情况进行研究,此后
由优秀的中国学者继续进行全面而深入的研究。
From J.P. Maxwell
to Shih-Hao Liu——Research
of Osteomalacia in Peking
Union Medical College
during 1920’s
and 1930’s
Abstract: With the
support of
Rockefeller foundation, and with Medical College of Johns
Hopkins University as
the model, Peking Union Medical College (PUMC) became one of
the best medical
colleges of Fareast during 1920’s
and 1930’s.
The
research of calcium and phosphorus metabolism of osteomalacia
in PUMC not only laid
the foundation of endocrinology in China, but also
played a very
important role in world medical history. The article
introduced concisely the
condition of this research program, and analyzed primarily the
secret of the
program’s success. In PUMC, the first person to implement the
research of
osteomalacia was J.P. Maxwell, the first director of
department of gynecology
and obstetrics. He investigated the epidemiology of
osteomalacia in North China
including Shanxi and Shaanxi Province,
and L.M. Miles, who was associate of department of gynecology
and obstetrics,
did some primary metabolic research. After that, The metabolic
ward took charge
of the metabolic research of osteamalacia, beginning with R.R.
Hannon, and
following with the team of Liu Shih Hao, the principle members
of which were
Liu SH, Chu HI,
Wang SH, Chou
SK, etc. The
research about nutritional
analysis of Chinese food completed by Professor Wu Hsien, Who
was the 1st
president of department of nutrition, PUMC,made
it possible to do the metabolism research of osteomalacia
accurately. Liu Shih Hao
was the core person of the research group. After graduated
from PUMC in 1925 (the
second class of PUMC), he became a resident and then a chief
resident in
internal medicine. He was the first graduate of the school to
be appointed to
the faculty in 1930, and rose through the ranks to become a
full professor in
1941. He worked with Van Slyke first in Beijing
and later during two periods at the Rockefeller Institute in New York.
Liu’s group is best known for the
studies on bone and bone mineral metabolism, including
elucidation of the
pathophysiology of tetany, pioneering studies establishing
that adult
osteomalacia and rickets in children are the same disorder,
and important
studies quantitating how calcium and vitamin D should be
administered for the repair
of the metabolic bone disease in osteomalacia. The most famous
attainment of
this work is the denomination of ‘renal osteodystrophy’ by Liu
Shih Hao and Zhu
Hsien I, which is now still widely used in the world. However,
the research was
stopped because Japanese army occupied PUMC after the Pacific
War in World War
Ⅱ. This case elucidates the successful model of PUMC in early
time—the
excellent researchers from all over the world brought the
advanced concepts and
methods, and did plenty of research about practical conditions
of China;
after that, the thorough research was completed by Chinese
scholars.
4、黄艳红:传统之再生:当代中国的针刺麻醉
针刺在中国有悠久的历史,但用于手术中镇痛始
于1950年代。针刺麻醉在临床上首次出现应该说是针刺使用的一次新的尝试,或者说对针刺的效果的一种新的发现;但
按照中医的理论原则,针刺用来镇痛并不是新鲜事。然而从针刺在历史上的使用情况来看,此前针刺虽被用于缓解慢性疼痛,但从未用于手术
中镇痛(急性痛)。可以说,针刺麻醉是不算发现的发现。临床记载和报道中很少涉及进行此操作和掌握效果的针灸师(在这里,应该是他们
代替了麻醉师),于是,既没有针灸师,也没有了麻醉师,可以说是针刺麻醉是没有麻醉师的麻醉。并且,在临床统计的数字中,无效案例被
完全忽略。在很长一段时间里,只有临床效果的统计数据(其真实性不得而知),没有实验报告,更没有机理解释。在临床案例大量开展后,
机理研究才通过行政命令组织起来。在对针刺镇痛有效性的实验研究中,同样忽视反例。很多机理研究不是探讨普遍性,而是只抓住特殊人群
进行研究,如循经感传的研究。中国的机理研究大致有三条路径,结果表明,经络的研究没能说明针刺镇痛的机理,神经生理学和神经化学的
研究只在一定程度上解释针刺镇痛的效果,仍给传统文化(包括经络、“气”)留有空间。针刺麻醉是针刺技术、知识和中医理论等代表的传
统文化在现代社会的一次再生。这条再生之路让我们看到传统文化在现代社会再生可能面临的困境,也提示了我们应该选择的方式和态度。
Flexible
Discovery and its
Culture: A history of Acupuncture Anesthesia in China
Acupuncture was used
for ease
pain in surgical operations (namely Acupuncture Anesthesia,
AA) in China
since
1950s. A history of AA in China
is re-constructed by answering six questions; I try to put
forward the
conception - “flexible discovery” to explain the
particularities of Chinese
scientific (medical) culture reflected by the history in this
article.
According to notions of modern main science, AA is a kind of
discovery but may
not surely be according to Chinese medicine culture. So it can
be regarded as
flexible. Its flexibility made it was the performance in
operations but not the
acupuncturists (or anesthetists) that to be concerned. The
flexible views on defence
tend to pay attention to “there is” more than to “all” in
Chinese culture. Thus
the efficiency of AA was illuminated by shows but not strict
clinic reports,
and the negative cases and people were rarely presented on the
clinic statistics.
There are three different but coexistent frames of explanation
to mechanism of
AA. The non-exclusive tolerance and acceptance of the theories
is a kind of extension
of the flexibility.
◎◎◎ Section 2-A
1、邱玏:道教外丹术对《雷公炮炙论》的影响
外丹术是中国古代化学的原始形态,它起源于中
国,萌芽于春秋战国时期,形成于秦汉时代,而后在东汉末被道教吸收并入,成为其修炼成仙的炼养方术之一,在唐朝时达到鼎盛状态。它与
以人体为炉鼎的身心修炼术的内丹术相对,其内容是将自然界物质如丹砂、铅、汞等矿物石药为主要原料,有时还用到草木药和动物药,将其
放在真实的炉鼎中通过各种方法进行烧炼,以期得到长生不死仙药的一种巫术和科学相混的冶炼术。道教外丹术在其起源、发展的整个过程
中,都与中医药学发生了密不可分的联系,尤其是在唐朝奉道教为国教的繁荣时期,凭着上层统治阶级对道教修炼的重视,渗透入全社会的方
方面面,其中对中药制药学的影响比较显著。兹举《雷公炮炙论》以说明。
《雷公炮炙论》是我国第一部制药学专著,诞生
于隋末唐初,重订于唐末,其受道教外丹术影响比较明显,体现在将外丹禁忌、外丹操作诸如水飞、研磨、六一泥固济法、伏火法、关法等,
外丹器皿诸如瓷瓶子、瓷合子、瓷锅子、铛、筛罗、乳钵等移入炮制操作,并借用草木药炼丹的方法,将草木药作为辅料炮制药物,它是中药
制药学发展到一定历史阶段的产物,并且影响后世中药炮制绵延数百年,反映了道教外丹术对制药学发展的巨大影响。
Taoist
External
Alchemy is the original form of chinese ancient chemistry
which originated from
china, came into being in Spring-Autumn and Warring Periods
,formed in Qin and
Han Dynasty,and absorbed by Taoism in the late
Eastern Han Dynasty,becoming
one of the cultivational practices of Taoism,and
at
the height of power and splendour in Tang Dynasty.It differed
from the internal
alchemy of physical-mental cultivational pratice which take
human body as
stoves.It is a kind of witchcraft-science comfused metallurgy
which put the
natural substances including minerals such as cinnabar、lead、mercury,and
also
herbs and animal drugs in ture stoves to clinker by all kinds
of ways ,in
order to acquire immortality drugs.
During
the
whole process of original and development,Taoist
external
alchemy had close connection with TCM,especially in the
prosperous
period of Tang Dynasty which took Taoism as state religion.It
permeated every
aspects of whole society as the upper governing class of Tang
Dynasty attached
importance to the Taiost cultivational practice,and had
remarkable impact on pharmaceutics
of TCM.take 《Leigong Paozhi Lun》for
instance.
《Leigong Paozhi Lun》is
the
first pharmaceutics treatise of china which was born in the
late Sui Dynasty
and beginning of Tang Dynasty and renewed in the late Tang
Dynasty.It was
dramatically influenced by the Taoist external alchemy.
First,transfer
the
Alchemy contraiadicate to the processing Chinese materia
medica.for example,taking
bath、fasting、selecting silent place for the practice
of Alchemy
which is similar to the practice of processing Chinese
materia
medica.
Second,take
advantage
of herbs as excipients to processed Chinese materia medica
including gynura
bicolor、leaves of Zizyphus jujube、leaves
of
alocasia rhizome、plantain、leaves of toxicaria etc.
Third,transfer
the
practice of Alchemy to the processing Chinese materia medica
including levigating、grinding、sealed
by
six-one mud、Fu Huo method and closing method.
Forth,
transfer
the alchemy utensils to the processing Chinese materia medica including porcelain insulator、porcelain
box、porcelain pot、saucepan
、sifter and pestle etc.
In
conclusion,《Leigong Paozhi Lun》is
the
historic product of the science of processing Chinese materia
medica which
influenced afterworlds for centuries,reflecting the distinct
effect of Taosit
external alchemy on the science of processing Chinese materia
medica.
2、张哲嘉:近代初期中医方土观的域外延伸
有關地理、飲食與體質之間的關係,乃是古今中
外醫學所共同關心的重要課題。中國環境與醫學相關的想法雛形,早在《黃帝內經》中已有提及,到了元代,逐漸形成一套新的方土論,有別
於先前主要以東西南北中五方來論說,元至清間的醫界,則普遍以東南相對於西北,來作有關體質與方土關係的論述。認為西北地勢高、飲食
濃厚、故身體強健;東南地勢卑、飲食清淡、故身體柔脆,也因此有不同適用的療法。
本文試圖指出,中醫的方土觀所適用的範圍已經
跨越了中華的疆界,同時也在明清時期,被用以解釋西北邊陲的蒙回民族、甚乃歐美諸國;認為身體比中原西北更為強健。不僅如此,東南海
外的琉球與日本,也同樣出現了他們的身體比中國江南人更為柔脆,是以不宜肉類,而應以海鮮蔬菜作為主食的論調。本文的後半部,將把重
點放在接受中國醫學日久的日、琉二國,如何看待延伸至中國域外的中醫方土觀,並運用以解釋其醫學與日常生活。
The Foreign Extension of
Chinese Medical
Theory of Locality
in the Early Modern Period
The correlation
between
geography, food and constitution is a major concerned shared
by medical ideas
of different system as well as different times. The Chinese
ideas regarding
environment and medicine could be traced as far as the ancient
classics Yellow Lord’s
Inner Canon. However, as to the thirteenth century, there
developed a new
medical theory of locality. Different from the classical
doctrine identifying
geography by the East, South, West, North, and Middle, the new
ideas
characterize the geography by northwest and southeast, to
theorize the
correlations between environment and constitution. They
believe that the
northwestern land is relatively higher, the food is dense and
hard to digest,
and therefore people’s body is robust; whereas the land in the
southeast is
lower, the food is lighter and soft, and thus people’s body is
tender.
Accordingly different area’s people have their corresponding
therapies.
The theme of this
paper is to
point out that the Chinese medical theory of locality is
actually adopted
beyond the Chinese border. In the Ming-Qing period (fourteenth
to early
twentieth century), this theory is also applied to explain the
Mongolian and
Muslim people living to the Northwest, and even applied to the
Europeans,
considering their body is more robust than the Northwestern
Chinese. As well,
the countries southeast to China,
such as Ryukyu and Japan,
emerged the ideas that their land is even lower than the Southeastern China, therefore their
body is even weaker, and people should
avoid meat but eat seafood and vegetables. The emphasis of the
latter part is
to show how the Ryukyu and Japanese physicians considered the
extended Chinese
medical theory of locality, and how they applied it to provide
explanations to
the appropriate therapies and everyday life.
3、甄橙:中西精神病学比较研究—以19世纪为例
精神疾病是现代困扰人类的常见疾病之一,19世纪对中西精神病学发展来说都是一个重要时期。因此本文选择19世纪对中西精神病学进行比较研究。通过阐述中西医学对精神疾病的认识及治疗方法,以期揭示中西精神病学的
相似与不同,以及产生分化的过程及原因。本文将以19世纪刊行的中医学原著为核心材料,结合分析19世纪西方精神病学史的研究论文和专著,通过文献分析、史学比较、医案分析等研究方法,力争得出比较客观的
结论,并以此为基础,表达一些对中西医学不同学术价值的思考。
The Comparative Study of Psychiatry between TCM and Western Medicine
----Both in 19th Century
The comparative study
of
traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) history and western
medicine history is a
scientific approach devoted to the comparison of the medical
system and their genres,
events, people, achievements and methods which appear in
different conditions
both in China
and in western world. The author will dedicate to obtaining an in-depth understanding of
the
evolutional process and mechanism of medicine in order to
deepen the
understanding both TCM and western medicine.
Mental disease is one
of the main
debases persecuted human early from ancient time,
characterized by its close
relationship with psychological and social factors. The
nineteenth century is
an important development period either for traditional Chinese
psychiatry or
for western psychiatry. The similarity and difference between
them and the
differentiation process in their development will be
highlighted. Take the TCM
monographs printed and published in the nineteenth century as
the core
materials and combined the research articles and monographs on
western
psychiatry history. The present paper will summarize the
similarity and
difference in the understanding and treatment of mental
illness between TCM and
western medicine through the methods such as literature
analyzing, historical
comparison and analysis of medical cases, etc. And on the
basis of such comparison,
the author will provide some thinking about the respective
characteristic and
values of TCM and western medicine. The future direction in
the development of
TCM will be also presented.
◎◎◎ Section 2-B
1、陈秀芬:晚明的养生知识、身体技术与社会阶层:一个比较的观点
養生向來是當代華人社會的熱門話題,在傳統中
國更是方術、醫家與道家(教)的重要課題。養生的傳統始於先秦,興於兩漢,盛於六朝與隋唐,修練者以方士、道士、少數士人與貴族為
主。自宋之後,隨著印刷術普及、商品經濟繁榮與市場機制蓬勃等現象,各種類型、主題的出版品大量湧現,連帶使得原本侷限於某些特定階
層、身分的知識與技術,得以有廣泛流通社會的條件。養生的思維與作為亦在其列,開啟了某些博識士人對於養生的興趣。到了晚明(十六世
紀中葉到十七世紀中葉),除了道教經典與醫學文本,士人的文集、筆記、日記、養生專書,以及閱眾更廣、近乎民間家庭手冊的日用類書
等,也大量摘錄了養生法、攝生術,對於個人與群體在日常生活中的食衣住行、言行舉止提出各種規範與論點。此時的養生除了因襲其防病、
療疾與壽生的傳統功能,更與俗人的起居、物質生活、美學觀感與文化品味有了更多的交集。對於世俗之人而言,養生的意義或不在「長生不
死」、「羽化成仙」之類的高遠理想,而在其現世的實用功能與實際目的:「修此身」、「養此生」,以長保安康。
為了釐清這個養生的「世俗化」、「文人化」現
象在晚明以及在整個中國歷史上的意義,本文將藉由不同類型的史料,來比較晚明不同階層、身分之人——例如士、庶、醫、道——對於養生
知識與身體技術的態度異同。除了階級與身分,本文同時將考量養生知識與技術和性別、年齡與地域等條件的關係。
Knowledge of ‘Nourishing Life’,
Technology of the
Body and Social Strata
in Late Ming China: A
Comparative Perspective
This paper is
an attempt
to explore the theories of ‘nourishing life’ (yangsheng) – the
specific
techniques broadly aimed at physical and spiritual cultivation
– and their
practices in Late Ming (ca. 1550-1650) China. For a
long time, ‘nourishing
life’ had played a key role in the traditions of classic
Chinese medicine and
religion, in particular Daoism. From the mediaeval periods
onwards, the
initially restricted knowledge to certain social classes
including the noble,
the medical and the religious began to be widely spread into
different fields
mostly owing to contemporary rapid changes in society and
economy. The social mobility,
economic prosperity, emerging marketing system of commodity
and advanced
technology of printing all helped to secularise and popularise
different types
of medical knowledge. It is in this context that theories and
practices of
‘nourishing life’ interested more people (in particular the
literati and the
laymen) than ever in addition to medical and religious
practitioners.
It was
not until the 16th and 17th centuries did the popularisation
of knowledge of
‘nourishing life’ reach its peak. Apart from Daoist handbooks
and medical
writings, numerous late Ming scholars’ literary collections,
jottings and
family almanacs for daily use too recorded/transcribed a great
deal of
paragraphs and discourses on ‘nourishing life’ handed down
from the antiquity. What
these works of different genres demonstrate are mainly the
ideas of ‘nourishing
life’ and the techniques of the body by means of daily living,
sleeping,
exercising, washing, eating, drinking, travelling, etc.
To
highlight the transition/transformation of ‘nourishing life’
culture in the
late Ming, my paper will be focused on the social strata of
those who had
showed great interest in the issues of ‘nourishing life’. Not
only their social
statuses and identities (ranging from Daoists, physicians and
gentlemen to
businessmen) will be detailed in depth, but the aspects of
their sex/gender,
ages, regions, etc. will be taken into account. In so doing, I
hope this paper
will contribute a better understanding to the ‘nourishing
life’ as a system of
life knowledge and body technology modified by the unique
milieu of the late
Ming. It will also help us to (re)evaluate the characteristics
and significance
of Chinese ‘nourishing life’ as a whole from times to times.
2、内野花:东亚的乳母与母乳—从生命概念看来
由于本发表, 把焦点用在乳母表明东面亚洲的生命概念。
在古代东亚,曾经存在着“乳母”,服务于由贵
族和富裕阶层组成的上流社会。乳母一手承担着新生儿的授乳与哺育的全责,因此雇主挑选乳母时非常慎重,综合候选者的家事、姿容、教养
等标准做出决定。有时乳母参与产妇分娩的场面,并担任剪断婴儿脐带的工作。通过授乳,乳母与婴儿之间缔结了一种虚拟的母子关系。无论
在心理上、在物质上,这种关系都非常紧密,以至于在婴儿长大成人之后,乳母对他的事情还保有很多发言权。
产妇的初乳,不仅具有高蛋白质、低脂肪、低乳
糖的优点,而且还有大量免疫脘球。如用初乳哺育婴儿,可以增强婴儿的免疫力;而且,授乳时母体分泌的后叶催产素,能促进子宫复原。可
是,在东亚,即便是庶民阶级,也有不用初乳育婴而转用乳母的风俗。
乳母制度,多起源于产妇因慢性营养失调而引起
的乳汁不足这一社会状况。不过笔者认为,在各种情况下,这种制度都在深层上与东亚独特的生命观念相联。这种观念认为,“婴儿是一种赐
予”,而“分娩在忌讳的事情之列”。
在为此、人们不以初乳而用乳母的乳汁哺饲他,从而生成了一种虚拟的母子关系。这就是何以乳母获得的巨大权限,有时甚至超过生母。
Nurse and Mother’s Milk in East
Asia
from the Viewpoint of the Life Concept
This research
considers the past
life concept in East Asia,
focusing on
historical and ethnographic examples of nurses.
In ancient East Asia, there were women as nurses
who nurse and raise babies of the
noble and wealthy class. The selections of nurses emphasized
their following
views: their origins, figures, education, etc. Nurses often
attended the birth
and cut umbilical cords of babies. The fictive mother-child
relationships
became strong psychologically and physically, and nurses had
much effect on
their nursing children.
Colostrum contains
rich proteins,
low fat and lactose, and lots of immune globulin. Its feeding
strengthens the
immunity of the newborn baby, and this activity stimulates the
uterine
involution by oxytocin activation. However, in the past East Asia, many people fed not
colostrum but the breast milk of others
to babies.
Some recipes with
carp and
soybeans can improve milk flow disorder and prescribe women
still now. Nurses
were necessary for the social situations that many women
suffering from
lactation failure. Rather, this nursing system connected to
the typical life
concept, such as “God bless with a child” and “Delivery is
abominable”.
3、潘洵·唐伯友:战争环境下的社会医疗关怀—略论抗战时期大后方的医疗救护
抗战军兴,国府西播。大量党政军机关、工商企
业、文教团体等机构随之内迁,成千万的战争难民涌入,加之日机空袭开始及逐渐加剧,大后方的医疗救护工作面临着空前的考验。整个抗战
期间,对医疗救护工作压力最大的是空袭难民救护和传染性疾病防治。原本传统而脆弱的后方医疗系统和体制根本无法应对,国民政府迁都伊
始,就着重积极统筹大后方医疗建设:卫生署迁驻重庆,立即筹建地方医疗行政机构,制订和颁布政策、法规对医政、药政进行规范,为此后
大规模的医疗机构提供了组织和政策保障,如重庆卫生局成立就标志着大后方现代医疗卫生建设的开始。国民政府充分整合大后方原有的和战
时内迁的医疗资源,广设各级各类公、私立医院、诊所和卫生所;利用众多内迁医护院校培养急需医护人才。针对空袭救护,国民政府联合相
关部会成立救护总队和医护委员会,制定规则,分区负责,并委托若干大中医院设重伤医院和流动救护队、站协助军、警、民医院救护空袭难
民;设置救济院、所,辅之各类慈善团体收救、教育战争难民;针对疾病防疫,国民政府分别成立相关的防疫委员会,制订相关的法规、条
例,引进和培育各种疫苗,采取广泛种痘等措施预防,并成立专门医院医治。同时,在大后方建设了一批专科医院和完全针对平民的平民医
院。抗战期间,大后方一系列的医疗救护措施,促使了医疗机构的发展,有效地抗击了战争和疾病对后方人民的生存威胁,稳定了社会,凝聚
了人心,支援了抗战。
◎◎◎ Section 3-A
1、韩毅:“仁政之行”与“方书辅世”:《太平圣恵方》在宋代的传播
——对宋代医学方书与社会多元交会
的思考
《太平圣恵方》是北宋政府官修的第一部医学方
书著作,由于其贯穿了“仁政之行”与“方书辅世”的思想,因而在宋代社会得到普遍重视,被宋人列为“国朝第一方书”。本文关注的问题
是:《太平圣恵方》在淳化三年(992)刊刻以后的传播情况如何?哪些阶层参与了对该书的介绍与传播,其侧重点有何异同,其传播途径有哪些?对
宋代医学与社会产生了何种影响?本文论述了《太平圣恵方》的编撰及其在宋代社会的分层传播,重点分析了宋代医学方书传播诸阶层的目的
及其动机。文章认为:对《太平圣恵方》医学知识的传播主要有四个阶层,一是皇帝和中央政府,其侧重点在于宣扬医学的“仁政”思想和权
威统治;二是宋代地方官员,其侧重点在于精选《太平圣恵方》中的实用药方,防治疾病,打击巫术,维护地方治安,宣扬政绩;三是宋代医
学家,其侧重点在于解释和发挥《太平圣恵方》中对各种疾病病因、病症和治疗药方的论述;四是宋代儒家士大夫、僧人和道士,其侧重点在
于介绍《太平圣恵方》的“惠民”思想,并将其引入到自己的学说中,扩大各自的知识来源和范围。这四个社会阶层的广泛参与,使《太平圣
恵方》在宋代社会的传播中出现了分层传播和跨界传播的现象,从而奠定了《太平圣恵方》在宋代医学发展中的独特地位。
Policies of Benevolence and Conducts State affairs
of
Medical book: the Spread of Taiping Shenghuifang in Song
China——A Study on Knowledge
Spheres of Medical Prescriptions
and Society During the Song 960~1279, China
Taiping Shenghuifang,the
first official medical books, carried out perfectly the
confucian policies of
benevolence and conducts of medical books, was considered the
first national
medical book in Song Dynasty. Most people have attached highly
importance to
the book since then. The aim of the book is to improve the
policies of
benevolence and the mutual understanding and relationship
among Song emperors,
officers, doctors and common people. It has had a major impact
on the knowledge
world in Song China.
My paper focused on
this problem,
how Taiping Shenghuifang spread in the Song society when it is
pressed in
Chunhua 3 years of Songtaizong (992)? Which estates took part
in the introduction
to this book? What they were concerned about? What the spread
ways was? What
the influence of spread of Taiping Shenghuifang on the medical
development and
social progress was?
This paper discussed
the spread
of Taiping Shenghuifang in the Song society after its
publication, and also analyzed
the purpose and motivation of every social estate. I
considered had four
estates participation in the spread of the book. The first was
the Song emperors
and central government. They were very concerned about
propagating policies of
benevolence and authoritative rule, and also regarded it as a
part of governmental
rule. The second was local administrative officer. The
important role of them
was to carry forward official Policies of benevolence and
medical knowledge legitimacy.
They usually collected available prescription, so that they
could prevent and
cure epidemic disease, and maintained social stabilization.
The third was the doctor.
They accepted the pathogeny and symptom of a disease, and used
widely prescription
of Taiping Shenghuifang. The fourth was the confucian
scholar-bureaucrat, Buddhist
and Taoist. They focused on introducing the beneficent action
of Song
State
to common people. At the same time, they usually carefully
collected every applied
prescription, and also magnified the knowledge Spheres. The
participation of
every estate came into being layered spread and intersectional
spread of
Taiping Shenghuifang. Taiping
Shenghuifang
brought some changes on the development of medicine and social
progress
in Song Dynasty.
2、李淑慧:《苏沈良方》所见宋代医学知识之传承
以往对于中国医学史的研究,注意力多放在医学
知识本身的内容方面。尽管到目前为止,学界对于中国古代医学文献中所包含的医学知识已经有了比较详尽地研究,但对于古代社会的人们如
何获取、又如何传承医学知识这一问题,却仍然没有引起研究者的足够重视。资料是讨论医学知识如何在古代社会传承的首要问题,然而在中
国古代大多数文献资料中,直接与医学知识传承活动相关的记载却不太多。不过,古代医方书中却存在大量与此相关的记载,至今尚未引起学
界关注。医方简便易行、实用性较强,颇受爱好医术的士人重视。到了宋代,医方书的流传更为普遍,成为这一时期医学发展的一大特色。宋
代士人编修的方书著作并不仅单纯收录作者所收集的验方,为说明医方的效验,还特别强调作者本人的亲身经历或亲眼目睹;除一般的药物配
比以及病症描述之外,其中也记录了医方的来历、流传经过等一些相关信息。在宋代诸多医方书中,《苏沈良方》是一部出现较早的由私人编
修的医方书,对后世有着深远影响,而且该书中与医学传承活动有关的记载也非常详尽。另外,在宋代重视医学知识的士人群体中,其作者苏
轼与沈括均可称为该时代的著名代表人物。本文首先介绍《苏沈良方》的内容、版本、成书、流传经过,并进一步区分苏方、沈方。在此基础
之上,再结合其它相关史料,对宋代医学知识传承活动的具体情况及其发生的中间环节与具体形式进行深入细致地考察;最后分析医学知识、
以苏轼、沈括为代表的宋代士人、其他社会阶层三者之间的互动关系,深入探讨促使医学知识从密传、师传、家传中释放出来同时又被进一步
广泛传承的各种社会因素。
Transmitting and inheriting of medical knowledge in
Song dynasty from Su-Shen liang fang
The past studies
about the
history of medicine take much more attention on the content of
the medical
knowledge. Until present, though the medical knowledge in
Chinese ancient medical
literatures have been well studied, it is not still taken
enough importance on
the problem how the people in ancient society to acquire and
spread medical
knowledge. To discuss how the medical knowledge were
transmitted and inherited
in ancient society, the first problem is data, because there
are seldom direct
records on the transmitting and inheriting activations of the
medical
knowledge. But there are many data in ancient medical bookies
of prescription,
which were not been paid attention on the academe. With the
characteristic of simple
and convenient, the prescriptions were been thought highly by
gentry who were
keen on leechcraft. In order to show the efficacy of those
recipes, the medical
books of prescription not only embody proved recipes, but
although emphasize
experiences or discerning by the authorselves. Besides
ordinary medicaments and
descriptions of diseases, it also recorded some other
informations, such as
derivation and process of those prescriptions. During Song
dynasty, the medical
bookies of prescription became a great distinguished
phenomenon of medicine
development at that time. In those medical bookies of
prescription, Su-Shen
liang fang was not only a early one edited by private, but
also had far more
influence on later. Moreover the records about transmitting
and inheriting of medical
knowledge in those books were very full and exhaustive. In
addition, both the writers
Su Shi and Shen Kuo were famous representatives in the gentry
who attached much
more importance to medicine in the Song dynasty. First, this
paper will introduce
the contexts and the edition and the process of transmitting
about Su-Shen
liang fang. Then it will distinguish which was been written by
Su Shi or Shen
Kuo, integrate other correlate historical data to review the
concrete ways of
the medical knowledge transmitting and inheriting activations
in Song dynasty, analyze
its middle taches and forms, the relationships around medical
knowledge and the
gentry and other estates in Song society. Moreover, all sorts
of social factors
which urged medical knowledge released from transmitting and
inheriting forms
of secret or master or family, abroad transmitted and
inherited at the same
time will be deeper discussed.
3、吴致远:香料与中医
中国使用天然香料的历史很悠久,《诗经》中就
提到了不少带香气的植物。但囿以中国大部分地区气候温凉,不太适宜香料植物的生长,秦汉以前仅有兰、蕙、椒、桂第少数解味香料。至晋
武帝时,南亚香料始进入中国,及隋代后,东南亚的香料便开始大量涌入。也正是之这一时期,香料才得以渐渐被中医药所吸收。随着中医药
和制香业对香料需求的不断增大,香料的用量也逐渐增多。至唐、宋、元、明、清各时期,海外盛产的香料更是源源不断地通过“海上丝绸之
路”输入福建泉州港,再转往全国各地。香料作为外来的物产,对中医的影响也就越来越大,宋时许多福建名医均采用东南亚诸国的香药调配
药方,成为民间常用的药品,
以致外来的香料与本土中医药的关系日益融合,在极大地丰富了中医药文化的同时,也彰显了不同民族、不同国度、不同文化之间相互作用、
影响和发展的特质。
4、梁嵘·罗大中:清末江南医疗文化管窥-------《王孟英医案》中的误治医案分析
通过对《王孟英医案》中误治医案的原因分析,
了解在清末时期,江南的医生所面临的病人具有怎样的医学文化特征?
《王孟英医案》记录了医案约664例,卷一有病症16种,基本可归为外感病;卷二有病症41种及杂治1章,基本可归为内伤杂病。在这些医案中,被王孟英归为误治的医案数量十分可观,362个外感病病案中,有误治历史的214例,占50.1%。284例内伤杂病医案中,有误治历史的168例,占59.2%。误治的种类主要可概括为11种,如温散、温补、滋阴、通下、固涩、清热、疏肝、疏风、燥湿、养血、消导等。外感病误治率的前3位为:温补(102例,47.7%)、温散(87例,40.7%)和滋阴(20例,9.3%);内伤病误治率的前3位为:温补(98例,58.3%)、温散(46例,27.4%)、滋阴(18例,10.7%)。在诊病时,医生的诊断是否正确,医生开出的药方是否能服用,往往需由病人及其家属来决定,病人甚至根
据自己对身体和医学的认识来引导医生进行治疗,而医生也往往迎合病人的要求。特别值得注意的是,大众对补益医疗文化的认同,病人所采
取的养生方法构成了《王孟英医案》中误治的重要组成部分。
Have a restricted view of the Jiangnan medical
culture
in the late qing dynasty
—analysing the
mistreatment cases in《WangMengying
medical
records》
Try to Comprehend
the characters of medial culture of the patients faced by
Jiangnan doctores by analyzing
the cause of mistreatment cases in 《WangMengying
medical records》
There
are about 644 cases
recorded in the《WangMengying medical
records》
and 16 diseases are refered in the first volume which can be
summarized as exogenous
disease,41 kinds of diseases
and one
chapter of mixed treatment are involed in the second volume
which can be
summarized as internal diseases. there are large quantity of
mistreatments
sorted by WangMengying in the records, In 362 cases of
exterior disease, 214 of
them are mistreatment which achieved at 51%, and 168 cases are
mistreatment in
the 284 cases of internal diseases, achieved at 59.2%. The
category of the
mistreatment can be sum up to be 11 kinds such as: worm to
disperse cold,worm
tonifying , nourishing yin, purgating, inducing astringency ,
clearing away
heat, dispersing the depressed liver-energy、expelling
wind、depriving the evil
wetness、replenishing
blood, relieving dyspepsia. The top three ratiot in exogenous
disease is: worm
tonifying(102case,47.7%)、warm
to disperse cold (87case,40.7%), and nourishing yin(20case,9.3%);The
top three ratio in internal disease is: worm tonifying(98case,58.3%)、warm
to disperse cold(46case,27.4%)、nourishing
yin(18case,10.7%).
Whether the diagnosis is correct and the prescription can be
taken is always determined
by the patients himself and the family member when treating
disease. Even the
patients guide the cure according to their own knowledge of
the body and
medicine. And the doctor often cater to the requests of
patients. Tt's worth
noting especially that the identification of the mass to the
tonifying culture
and the health cultivation methods adopted by patients
comprises an important
component within the mistreatment in《WangMengying
medical records》.
◎◎◎ Section 3-B
1、江佩蓉:病人与医者-十七至十九世纪台湾医疗手抄本探讨
十七世纪初(一六二四年)荷人据台后至一八九三年,台湾的漳、泉洲移民已由十七世纪初的十万,增至二百五十万人。随移民渡海来台的
医疗经验,主要以手抄本的形式传播与流传,在这两百多年的时间,民间相传的医疗手抄本经验,是民众治病、保生的主要凭借。
医疗手抄本的记载形式与传世医书并不相同,记
录文字中常见异体字,图像纪录不同于传世医书中既有图像,疾病种类也多所偏重。
本文主要在比较台湾医疗手抄本与传世医书的记
载形式、所使用的文字、图像内容,与其中所记载的疾病种类;并由记载形式与使用文字探讨医疗经验的形成、纪录与流传,并由疾病种类推
论当时可能的医者与病人群,与当时的社会概况。当时为病人治疗疾病的医者,绝非太医院官员,也非「儒医」,而可能是所谓的走方郎中、
练武、习武之人或僧侣与道士,同时医者的身份不可避免地决定了病人群、疾病种类、手抄本记录与流传的方式。
手抄本的医疗内容,俱是真实经验的纪录与传
承,呈现了台湾人民在十七至十九世纪医疗知识与行为,也反映了当时社会与自然环境对人们身体的影响。
2、苏奕彰:医疗内容的变迁-台湾医疗手抄本的外科病名与症状
自十七世纪初(一六二四年)荷人据台至十九世纪末,台湾移民已由早期的十万,增至二百五十余万人。随移民渡海来台的医疗知识多源自于
大陆寺庙、道观与民间经验,纪录与流传的形式主要是手抄本,而这些医疗内容是这近三百年期间,数百万人民治病与保生的凭借。
但这些医疗知识与内容,也在随移民渡
海之后逐渐发生变化,手抄本所载录的外科疾病名称与症状描述,已不同于传世医书的用词与用字。例如「木羡」一症,未见于中医文献,是
闽南语的特有病名,但医疗手抄本中已记载相关症状与治疗,主要是指现代医学的花柳性淋巴肉芽肿或者是腹股沟淋巴结。例如「走癀」在中
医传世医书中,多指外科疾病病程中,广泛的红、肿、热、痛症状,但在手抄本中,多以「发癀」代替走癀,泛指所有的红、肿、热、痛症
状。
在十七世纪初至十九世纪末这近三百年间,新的医疗纪录与知识随经验的累积而增加,本文
目的在探讨手抄本中所记载外科疾病的内容变迁,以疾病病名与症状描述为主,并试图推演变迁发生的脉络,重现当年移民生活在疾病与医疗
的社会与历史轨迹。
3、张淑卿:国际援助与战后台湾护理教育与实践之转变:一个初步的观察
本文擬以「國際援助與戰後台灣護理教育與實踐之轉變:一個初步的觀察」為題,探討1950、60年代於台灣護理界的轉變。1949年,隨著國民政府遷台的國防醫學院等軍醫體系,將以「美式醫療」為主體的協和體系,帶入台灣。美國醫藥在
華促進會(ABMAC)、中國農村復興委員會(JCRR)、以及1951年開始運作的美援會Council
on US Aid (CUSA),提供獎助學金至美國進修,WHO、UNICEF也提供部分的資助。台灣的護理教育開始走向「現代美式護理」之路。
本文的探討面向有三:一、協和體系與國際援助的介入。根據老醫師的回憶錄、傳記,或台
大醫學院與其附設醫院,以及國防醫學院的院史,都提到美援、美國在華醫藥聯合促進局、農復會、WHO對其硬體設備、人員訓練經費的提供與支持。另外,大陸時期的協和體系人員,隨著國民政府遷台,對於醫療護
理人力的正面效果。
二、護理教育與護理工作之改造。國際援助之下,台灣開始派送優秀的護理人員出國進修,
而來自哈佛等名校的護理工作者與教育者也應邀來台指導,護理教育與護理實作逐漸脫離日治時期的傳統,走向所謂「現代美式護理」之路。
三、台灣護理界之回應。當國際衛生援助機構,將西方主流醫學擴散至世界各地時,似乎是
強迫受援國需大量的接受西方的醫療衛生之概念與技術,台灣當時是如何回應?對日治時期以來的護理傳統產生哪些衝擊?對戰後台灣護理體
系或技術又有何重要影響。
Foreign
Aid and Transformation of Nursing Education and Practice in
Postwar Taiwan:A
Preliminary Analysis
This paper provides an analysis and
investigation
into international organizations’ influence in the development
of nursing
education and practice in Taiwan
during the 1950’s
and 60’s.
In 1949, the Kuomintang government
relocated to Taiwan
and
reestablished the system of Peking Union Medical College
(PUMC) on the island.
It was during this time that the Wartime
Health Personnel
Training Center
and the Army
Medical College
introduced medical training based on the American medical
system.
In 1951, aid from the United States and
organizations such as the American Bureau for
Medical Advancement in China, Inc. (ABMAC) and Joint
Commission on Rural
Reconstruction (JCRR) offered grants to Taiwanese medical
personnel to study in
America.
WHO, UNICEF also played part in providing scholarships
and assistance. It was during this period that the nursing
education and
practice began to be based on the modern American nursing.
This paper is presented in three
sections. The first
section explains the origin, formation, and introduction of
the Peking Union
Medical College
and foreign aid in Taiwan.
These are based on biographies and memoirs from old retired
doctors and the
history of the National Taiwan University College of Medicine
or the National
Defense Medical Center.
These historical
accounts all credit the aid received from the United States
and other
international organizations: ABMAC, JCRR, and WHO. These
organizations supplied
the medical equipment; provided financial assistance in the
construction of
facilities; or gave scholarship grants for the training of
medical personnel. The
accounts also highlight the positive influence of PUMC after
its arrival in Taiwan,
which
brought its system and manpower.
The second section explains the reform
of nursing
education and practice. Using foreign aid, the Taiwan
government began to select excellent
nurses or nursing educators and sent them abroad to pursue
research or further training and education.
At the same time, nurses and nursing educators from renown
universities, such
as Howard University,
were invited to Taiwan
to give counseling or instruction. It was then that the
nursing tradition under
the Japanese colonial period was gradually replaced by modern
American nursing.
The third section is on the feedbacks
given by the Taiwan
nursing
community about the modern American nursing system.
In summary, this paper attempts to
reflect on the
influence of foreign aid to Taiwan
and stresses the impact of international aid organizations’
“patriarchal style”
on Taiwan’s
nursing
development. The paper examines the reaction of society and
local
citizens when new medical systems or concepts were transferred
to Taiwan
and how the new systems or concepts were adapted or modified.
4、张素玢:移民、疾病与环境——以台湾的农业移民为例
在日本文獻中常描述來自溫帶的日本
人,在台灣因醫療與環境不良,飽受熱帶傳染病所苦,「衛生」的日本人與「不潔」的台灣成為強烈的對比。以台灣東部的日本移民村來觀
察,果真台灣的本土病是日本移民的致命殺手?瘧疾更是移民性命的頭號敵人?本文將考察台灣東部花蓮港廳日本移民的健康問題,並澄清移
民疾病問題的刻板印象。
日本帝國統治下的日本移民村,是一個
純粹由日人組成的封閉性村落,並沒有與附近台灣人形成鄰里關係。這種外來族群集居的村落,是環境衛生學極好的研究對象;不但可以比較
移民與日人、移民與台灣人的健康狀況,更可以從不同疾病的罹患率,分析移民社會的問題。
日本統治時期有關台灣醫療史的研究,
常以殖民者為本位,深植「日本人是台灣殖民地風土病受害者」的印象,但移入台灣的日本移民,更可能是疾病的橋樑,帶進疾病危害台灣本
地人民。本文將逆向思考移民、疾病與環境之間的問題,爬梳文獻並配合實際調查進行研究,為跨族群的醫療史提供另外一個視角。
◎◎◎ Section 4-A
1、陈昊:
刊之岩石、传以救病—龙门石刻药方与题记所见唐代初期方药知识在阶层与地域之间的流动
龍門石窟1387號窟,即所謂的藥方洞,因其兩側門券上刻有藥方而得名。過去曾誤將藥方刊刻年代繫於北齊武平三年,經近年
來的研究,基本將其年代定於唐代初期。但由於並沒有刊刻人的題名,藥方的知識來源及其在怎樣的人群中傳遞,都是頗多爭議的問題。本文
以前賢對藥方年代的考訂爲基礎,系統收集龍門石窟題記中與藥方刊刻年代大致相當者,以勾勒唐初龍門藥方傳佈的社會網絡,
古代中國社會,人群的流動性、知識的傳遞都一
方面與身份、階層密切相關,國家官僚制度成爲社會流動性主要的動力之一。龍門題記所見皇室成員、官員與普通民衆的地域來源,與這種古
代的身份等級與國家官僚制度密切相關;另一方面與交通條件密切相關。龍門因其臨近東都洛陽,洛陽居於内中國的中心位置,它在軍事防禦
和商業流通方面都承擔著重要的樞紐任務。但中古的佛教信仰力量成爲超越階層與地域,造成社會流動性的重要動力,各地甚至異國的僧侶與
清新徒來到龍門尋求佛法,也造成了龍門藥方知識流動的社會基礎。而其中的醫者與禱病者,成爲醫學知識傳遞最直接的受眾。由此可以了
解,唐代初期龍門藥方的知識如何在佛教的影響下,在僧人與普通民衆之中廣泛傳佈。
Carving the Formulary on the
Rock for Diffusing the Medicine Knowledge to Cure the Sick
People: the Fluidity
of Medicine Knowledge between Different Estates and Areas in
the Records of the
Inscriptions and Remdies of Longmen Grottoes in the Early
Period of Tang
Dynasty
The Cave No. 1387 of
Longmen
Grottoes in Henan
Province,
known as
Yaofangdong, is named after the remedies carved on the arch of
it. It lies at
the south section of West Longmen Mount. The remedies which
should be carved in
the early period of Tang dynasty, are used to be considered as
being carved in
577 AD by mistake, the third year of Wuping of the North Qi
Dynasty, in the
book called “The Collection of Epigraph” (Jinshi Cuibian).
It’s one of the most
important sources of the medical history in medieval China.
But there is no records on
who carves them or supports them, so there is no agreement on
the source of the
remedies and which people could get to know the medicine
knowledge from the
cave. Based on the research on the time of the carving of
remedies, we collect
the inscriptions of Longmen Grottoes around the early period
of Tang dynasty to
analyze the social network of how the remedies have been
diffused at the time.
When we collect the data, the timing is not the only thing
that we pay
attention to, but also we pay a lot of attention to which cave
we get them and
which position is the cave of the Cave No. 1387. Based on the
research of which
part of Cave No. 1387 the formulary has been carved, we are
trying to get to know
the social function of Cave No. 1387
in
the early period of Tang dynasty and how the social function
influences the diffusion
of the remedies.
Several medicine
manuscripts
found in Dunhuang by Stein named “Single Ingredient Verified
Remedies to Prepare
for Emergencies” (Beiji danyan yaofang), have various textual
parallels with
the remedies of Longmen Grottoes. They mention that they
should carve the
formulary on the rock for diffusing the medicine knowledge to
cure the sick
people. It’s supposed to be an important way to diffuse the
medicine knowledge
by carving it on the rock, and sick people can get it for the
rock or hearing
for other people have seen the remedies carved on the rock.
But the question is
that how and by who does the remmdies carved on the rock
spread to other
places. In ancient China,
the fluidity of groups and the diffusion of the knowledge are
relevant to the
identity and estate and the possibility of the transportation.
The bureaucracy
of the country is one of the most important dynamic powers of
the social
mobility. When we analyze the data of the places where do the
members of the
royal family and officers go to, the start and the destination
of their journey
are relevant to the bureaucracy. The cause of the mobility of
the royal family
and the officers of capital are different form the officers of
the local government.
It’s easier for the officers to go to somewhere than the
normal people. The
Longmen Grottoes is close to Luoyang,
the
Eastern Capital (Dongdu or Shendu under the reign of Wu
Zetian) of Tang Empire,
which is the center of inner China.
It is the hinge of the military and commercial affairs of Tang
Empire. The
Longmen Grottoes has been one of the Buddhism centers which
has the most
convenient traffic condition. It’s a good choice to carve the
remedies on one
of the cave
of Longmen Grottoes.
The further question
is that how is the relation between the remedies carved on the
rock and the
formulary on the remedies in medieval China. How does
the interaction
between epigraph and manuscript make the diffusion of
knowledge easier?
But the belief power
of Buddhism
becomes one of the ways to cross the boundaries of different
estates and areas
in medieval China,
which makes the dynamic power of the social mobility of the
believers. The
monks and believers from different areas and countries come to
Longmen
Grottoes, and it is possible they will see the remedies and
bring them back.
For example, the Longmen remedies are brought back to Japan
by monks
who come to Tang Empire and collected in their medicine books.
Besides the
monks, the physician officers and the sick people come to
Longmen Grottoes and
pray for curing, who will pay more attention to the formulary
currently. It
will help us to know how is the knowledge of medicine diffused
between the
monks and common believers through the influence of Buddhism.
Though we admit
the diffusion of the formulary is influenced by the social
network constructed
by Buddhism belief, we do not think that it proves the
remedies of Longmen
Grottoes come from the medicine knowledge of monks of temples
in Longmen. Both
the formulary of Longmen Grottoes and the “Single Ingredient
Verified Remedies
to Prepare for Emergencies” (Beiji danyan yaofang) found in
Dunhuang are parts
of the popular medicine culture in Tang Dynasty. Officers,
monks and doctors
collect the prescriptions which are heard to have good
effects, try them, give
them to relatives and friends and compile them to a patient’s
emergency
handbook devoted chiefly to remedies for such common diseases.
There are
prescriptions influenced by Buddhism medicine absolutely. But
the most
significative feature of the formulary composed by these
prescriptions is the
fluidity of knowledge which is not only between the between
different estates
and areas but also between the monks and common believers.
2、梁茼:晋隋之际术数与医学著作中五行学说的演变
五行学说滥觞于商周两代,建成于春秋战国时
期,鼎盛于汉代。在汉代,五行学说广泛渗透于社会生产、生活的许多方面,对当时的医学、天文学、社会管理学与气象学产生深远的影响,
其中尤以医学为突出。
中医学的历史发展存在三个断裂(变革)期,即
春秋战国时期(周秦时期)、汉魏之际和民国时期。按谢氏的观点,由“两汉之世,为专门传授之期”,而“魏晋至唐,为搜葺残缺之期”。
唐代医学不乏集大成式著作,而唐代以前,晋代至隋代的学者对于前代学术材料的总结与综合,可谓功不可没。晋隋之际撰成的《肘后备急
方》、《针灸甲乙经》、《脉经》和《诸病源候论》等医学著作,都或多或少提及“五行”;而《玉照定真经》、《灵台秘苑》和《五行大
义》等术数著作,更是在五行学说的演变过程中起了重要的作用。
当然,五行学说由其文献检出频数的角度来说,
它在同时期接近方技末学的医学中的地位,似乎不如其在术数领域来得显赫。中医学与术数的五行学说在历史上颇有渊源,两者的发展变化脉
络之间有着千丝万缕的联系。探索晋隋之际五行学说在术数与医学著作中的发展与变化,对于研究唐宋医学具有关键的意义。
The evolution of Wu
Xing theory in the
ancient Chinese divinatory and medical books between Jin
Dynasty and Sui
Dynasty
The Yin-yang and Wu
Xing theories
are regarded as the foundation to the understanding of the
Traditional Chinese
Medicine (TCM)(Li, 2002). In addition, the Wu Xing theory
(also treated as a
theory about five basic phases including Metal, Wood, Water,
Fire and Earth) in
particular, is thought to enhance the holistic character of
TCM (Liu, 1982).
The Wu Xing perspective is even regarded as “the thinking law
and the common
belief of the universe system of Chinese people” (Gu, 1982).
Based on the
relationships and
correspondence among particular substances and five Xings, the
Wu Xing theory
tries to cover most things in the world by establishing a
delicate symbolic
frame system. Not only climates, seasons, colours and tastes
but also tissues
and organs et al have been classified into five different
categories symbolised
by “Metal, Wood, Water, Fire and Earth”, which serve as the
foundation of the
unique thinking pattern in which the Wu Xing intertwined model
was developed.
Besides, Xing originally represented the four-legged
intersection which were derived
from the similar figure of ancient Chinese character “Xing”
with “Jing”
(square-fields), and signified the road or street crossings.
(Ren, 1979) Thus
Xing is thought to carry the meaning of dynamic process or
changes, which helps
to understand the unique thinking pattern that Wu Xing theory
is based on.
The Wu Xing theory
generated in
Shang and Zhou Dynasties, developed in the Spring and Autumn
and Warring
States
period and flourished in Han
Dynasty (Liu, 1993). The Wu Xing theory has spread to such as
medicine,
astrology, meteorology and social administration of that time.
It is important
that the Wu Xing theory has a strong impact on ancient Chinese
medicine of Han
Dynasty. People and doctors of the time got used to reasoning
and analysing the
symptoms of diseases.
It is thought that
there are
three divided (or called “reform”) periods, i.e. the Spring
and Autumn and
Warring States period, the period between the Eastern Han
Dynasty and the Three
Kingdoms and the period of the Republic of China (Li, 2007).
According to Xie’s
opinions, the years between the Jin Dynasty and Tang Dynasty
are a period of
searching, collecting and summarizing the academic works of
ancestors (Xie,
1997).
There could hardly be
so many
great medicine books if the scholars between the Jin Dynasty
and Sui Dynasty
did not make their efforts and contributions to academic
compilation. For
instance, Emergent Prescriptions behind elbows (Zhou Hou Bei
Ji Fang) By Ge
Hong, Classics of Acupuncture and Moxibustion (Zhen Jiu Jia Yi
Jing) by Huangfu
Mi, Classics of Mai (Mai
Jing)
by Wang Shuhe and On Derivation and Symptoms of Diseases (Zhu
Bing Yuang Hou
Lun) by Chao Yuanfang are famous ancient medical books which
play significant
roles in the development of TCM. Moreover, it is interesting
that the word “Wu
Xing” is found repeatedly in books mentioned above.
Since the ancient
medicine have
quite a few correlations with the ancient divination
particularly in Wu Xing
theory (Li, 2000), it is no doubt that the studies of ancient
medicine and divination
should be carried on in coordination. Between Jin Dynasty and
Sui Dynasty, such
as Classics of Real Mirror (Yu Zhao Ding Zhen Jing) by Zhang
Yong, Secret
Gardens
of Heaven (Ling Tai Mi Yuan) by Yu Jicai and General Theory of
Wu Xing (Wu Xing
Da Yi) by Xiao Ji mentioned or quoted Wu Xing theory once and
again. Wu Xing
theory as a branch of ancient divination, still remains
mysterious in its
function for the persistent interaction between ancient
medicine and divination.
In short, the Wu Xing
theory can
be regarded as a thinking method consist of five pivotal
phases (or processes)
that represent a dynamic and vital analogy between the complex
system of Nature
and five phases corresponding to relevant characters. With an
association of
ideas according to the delicate symbolic frame system
represented by Wu Xing
theory, ancient Chinese magicians and doctors were capable of
understanding and
analyzing life, society and nation as a whole intelligibly.
3、容志毅:“消魔”的隐喻——道教的药物观和疾病观与民间药俗
“消魔”是道士对药的称呼,东晋时就已经有了,即所谓的“仙真并呼药为消魔”。然而道士将药称为“消魔”却不是偶然的,而是与道教对于药物和疾病的观念
密切相关的。道教继承并发展了万物有神的观点,认为人身体中的每一部份都有与之相应的神,神在则无病,神去则生病;哪个部份的神离体
而去,则相应的部份就会生病。当然,神是不会无缘无故离开身体的,它们是受到魔的侵扰才被迫离开的,以致造成身体因缺神而生病。因
此,要想治病,首先就要将体内的魔消灭掉。从这个意义上说,凡是能消灭邪魔的事物,就都可以称之为药,药也因为它具有消灭魔的作用而
被道士称为“消魔”。事实上,在道教的信仰中,除了各种各样的神外,还有各种各样的魔,而且每一种魔又都面临着能够消灭他们的药,这
样,道教也就有了形式多样、种类各异的药。常见的本草之所以能够治病,就是因为他们能够消灭侵入身体的邪魔,让离去的神重新返回体
内。例如当肝脏的神被邪魔侵袭离去后,肝脏就会生病。因此,凡是能够消灭肝脏中的魔的本草,就都是治疗肝病的药;那些消灭邪魔效果较
好的本草,就是药力较佳的本草,故才有所谓的“帝王草”、“大臣草”和“人民草”之称。甚至,像符、箓、咒、诀等图文和语言,因为同
样具有驱魔降神的作用,它们也都被道士视之为药。道教的这些药物观和疾病观,不仅在很大程度上改变了它的成仙模式、治病手段、修炼方
法和制药过程,而且也深刻影响了民间的各种风俗习惯和药事活动,是道教医药与民间传统文化相互作用、影响和渗透的历史产物。
The Metaphor of " Xiao Mo
"
______
View of Medicine and Disease and the Custom of Folk Medicine
"Xiao Mo " 消魔
( kill the evil spirit) was the Taoist priest’s call to the
medicine, which
began in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. But it is not accidental
that the Taoist
priests called the medicine " xiao mo", it was closely related
with
the ideas of medicine and disease with Taoim。Taoism
has inherited and developed the idea that everything has its
spirit, and every
part in the bodies of people has the spirit corresponding with
it, if the god
leaves the body, then the corresponding component will fall
ill. Certainly, the
god will not leave the body gratuitously, they are invaded and
harassed by evil
spirit and leave the body by force, which cause the body to
fall ill because of
lacking the god. So, if you want to cure the disease , you
should kill the evil
spirit soon at first. In this sense, every things that can
kill the evil spirit
can all be called medicines, and the medicine called " xiao mo
" by
the Taoist priest because it has function of killing the evil
spirit too. In
fact, in the faith of Taoism, besides various god, there are
various of evil
spirit, and every evil spirit has to face the medicine to
eliminate them, like
this, just there is various informative medicine different in
kind in Taoism.
The Common herbaceous can cure the disease, because they can
eliminate the evil
spirits who invade the body, and let the god leaving away
return in the body
again. The god of the liver is attacked by the evil spirit and
left away, the
liver will fall ill. So, the herbaceous can eliminate the evil
spirit in the
liver are the medicines curing hepatopathy; those eliminate
the evil spirit well
is the good medicine, they are so-called “Di Wang Cao” 帝王草(“Emperor
Grass " )“Da Chen Cao”大臣草(" Minister
Grass ") “Ren Min Cao " 人民草("
People Grass ",) Even , the picture and language such as Fu,
Lu, Zhou, Jue
can be regarded as medicine by the Taoist Priest too just
because they have the
same function of eliminating
the evil spirit. These Taoism’s view of medicine and disease
not only changed
the mode of becoming the celestial being, the means of curing
the disease, the
method of practising and course of pharmacy with a great
extent, but influenced
the folkways and customs
and the medicine activities deeply. These Taoism’s view is the
historical
result of the interacting and influencing in medicine and folk
traditional
culture.
◎◎◎ Section 4-B
1、朱建平:体质学说:中医与朝医的不同诠释
作为体质学说的奠基之作,中医《内经》与朝医
《东医寿世保元》有着不同的诠释。《内经》关于中医体质学说的论述,涉及体质分型、体质与生理、发病、病理、辨证、防治、预后的关系
等。其中体质分型,按五行分为木、火、土、金、水型,每型又据五音的偏正多少、推演再分为五型,即五五二十五型;按阴阳分为太阴之
人、少阴之人、太阳之人、少阳之人、阴阳和平之人等五型;按肥瘦分为肥壮人、瘦人、常人(肥瘦适中)、壮士、婴儿五型;又把肥人分为膏、脂、肉三型;按勇怯分为勇士、怯士两型;按情志分型分为形乐志苦、形
乐志乐、形苦志乐、形苦志苦、形数惊恐等五型。最早提出比较全面的体质分型,在一定程度上揭示出了体质的基本特征,成为中医体质学说
的渊源。论述年龄、性别不同而体质也不同。体质虚弱者在发病中的易感性,体质壮实者在发病中就比较耐受力。个体体质的特殊性,在病理
过程中会有倾向性。不同体质对针药有不同的耐受力和反应度,强调体质在辨证、防病治病中的意义,主张“因人制宜”,辨体施治。体质因
素对疾病预后常常起到决定性的作用。
朝鲜四象医学是1894年李济马在《东医寿世保元》中提出的以体质为主的医学体系,有其独特的内涵,又直接受到《内经》体质学说
的影响。它根据《灵枢·通天》五态人之论,按脏局短长、阴阳变化分为太阴、太阳、少阳、少阴四象人。四象人的差异不仅表现在形态、类
型上,而且还表现在生理机能和心理性格特征等方面。“四象”一词源于《易经》,但与《易经》并没有实质性的联系,仅作为四元构造分类
法思维的象征符号。本于“太极生两仪、两仪生四象”之旨,用四维之四象来说明脏理、生理、病理。提出“药乃局限于人”,强调人体对药
物的选择性。根据脏器大小、阴阳多少理论,遵照“大者泻之,小者补之”原则,由每一象要药构成基本组成,形成独特的四象方剂。根据病
情,在辨象的基础上,随象加减用药,以体现“异病同象同治,同病异象异治”原则。
不同民族不同时空,对体质学说有着不同的诠
释。从医学种类、时间、作者、种族、体质分型、体质与生理、病理、辨证、防病治疗、疾病预后、理论指导等方面,对《内经》与《东医寿
世保元》进行比较分析。
2、张玉清:中西医理论不可比之比较----原始思维与概念思维
中医学术理论成熟在先秦时代,培育它的文化土
壤从诸子百家汲取养分。阴阳、元气、五行等哲学概念的成形不晚于春秋战国时期,在能以阴阳道《易》的儒家形而上智慧哲学确定的同时,
医家张仲景勤采博古的研究成果是以阴阳道《伤寒论》,阴阳概念的思维尽管体现了事物发展过程中的动态变化,仲景在《伤寒论》中把这种
思维模式发挥到了淋漓尽致,如太阳之为病,头项强痛、脉浮。或浮紧或浮缓或项背强几几,这就有了麻黄汤、桂枝汤、葛根汤分别主治的不
同等等,体现了疾病现象在发展过程中阴阳的未确定性与时间实在性的动态变化,属于或然性判断的艺术模式,即便如此它以黑格尔哲学体系
的原则定论仍属于有限思维的哲学,从思维操作这个最深层次的缘由它是以自我经验为主导性逻辑建构依据的原始思维。而西医学从远古经验
医学走出,在近代科学革命发生以维萨留斯的《现代人体构造》作为标志,迅速出现新的理论范式更替,从分门别类的学科分化到实证分析形
而上的学术规范决定了显而易见的中医原始思维模式与近代自然科学化的概念思维的形态差异。因为它是以关于对象的经验为主导性逻辑建构
依据的思维。前者表现了疾病现象发展过程中动态变化的决断艺术,后者证明了实证医学可靠分析的形而上的学术规范。前者属于物象的具
体,后者属于思维的具体由此而言中西医理论是不可比的。这两者是一种各自传统文化哲学思想意识精神土壤所孕育生长出的历史必然。而不
是逻辑必然。
Middle Western medicine theory is not allowed to
comparing with comparing __________primitive thought with
concept thought
Doctor of traditional
Chinese
medicine academic theory is mature before Qin times, soil
draws the culture
cultivating it from hundred schools of thinkers nutrient.
Conceptual no late
philosophy forming Yu year such as Yin and Yang , vitality ,
the five elements
the Warring States period, is in the Confucian School shape
"easy to be
able to say with Yin and Yang" has but simultaneous that
wisdom philosophy
ascertains, that medicine family Zhang Zhong Jing Qin
gathers Bogu's research result is to say
with Yin and Yang "Treatise on Febrile Diseases " , conceptual
Yin
and Yang thought development in not having hesitated to embody
object
developing process changes, Middle scenery brings this
thinking model into play
in "Treatise on Febrile Diseases " having arrived at realistic
portrayal of character , pulse floats if strong for disease ,
the head item of
the sun is painful. Or float tight or float slow or person's
back by force
almost almost, have been having the Chinese ephedra soup , the
cassia twig
right now the soup , the root of kudzu vine soup part for the
major functions
of a drug diversity and so on, have embodied not determinacy
disease phenomenon
development change in developing process middle Yin and Yang
with time
substantiality , have belonged to the art pattern that the
chance judges, Even
if it still belongs to limited thought philosophy , the cause
handling this
deepest arrangement of ideas from thought so with Hegel system
of philosophy
principle final conclusion, it is to take oneself experience
as the leading
factor logic construction thought according to primitive. But
west medical
science steps off from ancient times experience medical
science, "modern
times happening with Weisaliusi in science revolution the
modern times
structure of the human body " is a sign, prompt the new theory
canonical
form supersedure , from the discipline differentiation
classifying to analyse a
shape but upper learning of demonstration standard the
primitive thinking model
having decided doctor of traditional Chinese medicine as plain
as the nose on
one's face and the concept thought form difference scientize
naturally at the
modern times appear. Because of it is to take the experience
about the marriage
partner as leading factor, the logic constructs the basis
thought. The former
has shown the disease phenomenon developing process middle
development change's
deciding on art , the latter has testified the analytical
reliable demonstration
medical science shape but upper learning has standardized. The
former belongs
to the phenomenon concre , that the latter belongs to from
this Er Yan middle
concrete thought Western medicine
theory is no comparable. This both are that one kind of each's
tradition
culture philosophical thinking is aware of what spirit soil is
fraught with the
history necessity growing out. But be not logic necessity.
3、玉时阶:论壮族巫医与壮族医学的渊源关系
壮族巫医与壮族医学的关系是十分密切的。特别
是在壮医学刚刚萌芽的远古时代,最初的壮族民间医学起源于壮族巫术,而壮族民间医生产生于壮族巫医,壮族巫医则产生于壮族巫师之中。
最初的壮族巫医产生于壮族巫师之中。古代壮族
巫师既从事巫术活动,又为人治疗疾病,巫、医混合,故有“医出于巫”和“医巫同源”之说。受原始宗教信仰的影响,古代壮族人认为,人
生病是鬼神作祟的结果,只有请巫师才能祈神驱鬼。所以,当人生病时,巫师便成为最初为人看病治疗的巫医。巫医在为人治疗时,在用咒
语、符箓、歌舞、献祭等巫术活动祈神驱鬼的同时,也用一些中草药和放血,艾灸等方法加以辅佐,进行治疗,成为最初的民间医生。壮族巫
医为达到驱鬼治病的目的,常做各种祭神驱鬼的巫术活动,其中一些合理的、积极的做法,如巫术活动中的要求各家各户清扫庭院、封寨等,
经过后人的批判、继承,已成为现代壮医学中的科学治疗方法。巫医的产生和发展是壮族医学产生和发展进程中一个不可替代的历史阶段。
Discusses the Zhuang national minority witch doctor and the
Zhuang
national minority medicine's origin relations
The relations between
Zhuang
national minority witch doctor and the Zhuang national
minority medicine are
very close.Especially in the ancient time when the Zhuang national minority
medicine just
germinated,the initial Zhuang national minority popular
medicine stems from the
Zhuang national minority witchcraft,but Zhuang national
minority folk doctor
forms from the Zhuang national minority witch doctor,and the
Zhuang national
minority witch doctor comes from the Zhuang national minority
sorcerers.
The initial Zhuang
national
minority witch doctor comes from the Zhuang national minority
sorcerer.At the
ancient times the Zhuang national minority sorcerer were both
engaged in the
witchcraft activity, and the manner of treated disease, the
witch and the
medicine are mixed, therefore there were the sayings of“the
medicine stemming
from the witch” and “the medical witch are homologic”.Under
the primitive
religion belief's influence, the
Zhuang
national minority people at the ancient times believed that
the human
falls ill is the result which the ghosts and gods cause ,The
only way to cure
is asking the sorcerer pray the god to expel evil
spirits.Therefore, when the
human falls ill, the sorcerer then becomes the initial witch
doctor who give
the people treatment.When Witch doctor pay a treatment, They
use the incantation,
invocation, the dance, to offer sacrifices and so on
witchcraft activities to
pray which the god expels evil spirits, also use some Chinese
medicine and the
bloodletting, methods of taking ash and so on to assist and treat,Then they become
the initial folk
doctor.In order to expel evil spirit and treat an illness,The
Zhuang national
minority witch doctor often carry on all kinds of witchcraft
activities of
praying gods and expeling ghosts,Some reasonable, positive
procedure, like the
request of each household cleaning the garden and seals the
stronghold etc in
the witchcraft activity,after posterity's critique, inherits,
it has become the
scientific method in the modern Zhuang medicine. The process
of witch doctor's
production and the development is an unreplaceable historical
stage in the
history of the Zhuang national minority medicine's production
and development.
◎◎◎ Section 5-A
1、祝平一:Brain Anatomical
Knowledge in 18th century China
This paper
investigates how the
brain was conceptualized in China after the
transmission of
European anatomical knowledge. A study like this always faces
the danger
of judging scientific achievements of China according
to modern
scientific criteria. It also easily leads to the
misunderstanding that one is
attempting to understand whether the Chinese people is more
open to foreign
knowledge and thus more capable of improving their scientific
capacity. I have
no interest in these issues which may bother some modern
researchers. My
main concern is rather to describe how the people in the early
Qing
appropriated foreign knowledge so as to shed light on the
process of the travel
of European science in East Asia
and its
consequences. For this purpose, I choose to discuss how the
Chinese envisioned
and imagined the European anatomical brain in the 18th
century.
2、苏静静:瘟疫时期的基督教——以中世纪的黑死病和19世纪的霍乱为例
面对流行病的大规模暴发,各个历史时期,社会
各个阶层、各个国家地区,各个政府社会所做出的反应都不是一样的。作为伴随人类历史最长、影响范围最大、跨越社会阶层最广的宗教之
一,基督教也无可避免地要解释流行病的发生解释并采取相应的应对措施。本文将讨论基督教在14世纪和19世纪这两个特殊的历史时期,在欧洲大陆和美国这两个不同的地区和文化背景,面对黑死病以及霍乱这两个不同
但又相似的两种流行病,所做出的反应。尽管在当时的情况下人们普遍将这两场瘟疫视作上帝对人类的惩罚,都是在请求上帝的宽恕,但是两
次的反应却又有很大的不同。前者激进地表现为鞭笞运动,后者则是向政府部门寻找诉求,说服总统将宗教运动当作全民防病措施,建议设立
国家禁食日、全民祷告日等。从中可以看出,宗教(基督教)随着社会环境的发展而发生了“进化”,而它们代表也恰恰是普通民众面对疾病灾难时的态度转
变。本文将追究这种转变和进化背后可能的医学、社会学原因及其解释。
Christianity
During
Plagues
——Examples
of Black Death in Medieval Age and Cholera in 19th
Century
Different history
stages,
different classes of the society, different areas and
different governments
demonstrated different response towards the outbreak of
plagues. As one of the
religions with the longest history and one of the most
influential religions,
Christianity inevitably had to offer an explanation for the
outbreak of plague
and respond to it. This paper will discuss how Christianity
responded to black
death in 14th century in Europe and how Christianity responded
to cholera in
19th century in America correspondingly. Although the public
opinion considered
both plagues as the punishment of God and in both cases people
begged His pardon
and forgiveness, the specific responses in both cases are
different. In balck
death, the radical “lash movement” was conducted while in the
latter case,
people turned to government’s department and tried to persuade
the president to
adopt religious movement as measures against the plague and to
set National
Fast Day and People’s Prey Day. The differences demonstrated
that Christianity “evolved”
with the social environment which represented the turnover of
public’s attitude
towards diseases. This paper will probe into the possible
explanation for this
turnover and evolvement from the perspectives of medicine,
society and culture.
3、李化成:瘟疫背后的思想史—英国黑死病认识论研究
思想史不仅仅可以从思想家的言论中获取,在特
定背景下,具体的历史事件也会演变为特定思想的表达。通过对这种事件的考量,可以了解特定地区的民众在特定时代里基本思想的变动;而
通过对此类思想变动的探讨,又会使我们对具体事件之于社会发展的作用问题加深了解。正是从这个意义上说,事件也有其思想史的意义。本
文试从十四世纪令人谈之色变的黑死病入手,主要依据英国的情况,进行一种认识论的探索,并努力展现其思想史的意义。
限于医疗水平的低下,时人难以对黑死病的流行
病学做出正确的判断,而是将瘟疫加以神秘化解释,从而形成了天(神)谴说、末世说和星宿说三大解释。天(神)谴说是基督教会对现实灾
难的一种判断,他们认为社会道德的堕落是上帝发怒的主要原因。末世说是对末日到来的一种预言,它宣称黑死病是伴随“敌基督”到来的灾
难。星宿说则将黑死病的爆发归因于天体的运动。
天(神)谴说和末世说不是截然分离的两种思
潮,而是在很多方面有相通之处。两者都从属于一种“原罪-赎罪—审判”的基督教信仰链条。但是,天(神)谴说是对现实灾难的一种判
断,而末世说是对末日到来的一种预言。与此相应,中世纪的星宿学家们也将基督教的神学理论与星宿学结合起来,他们认为,包括人在内的
地上万物又是神创的,地上之物与天上之物之间在神的作用下发生关系便成为了可能。
但是,对于与人体息息相关的星宿医学来说,星
占理论却是是解释领域的巨人,实践领域的侏儒。他们针对黑死病的防治方法,基本上其他防治措施无甚差别。这在某种程度上必然导致人们
对于星宿医学的怀疑,并在黑死病后逐渐向更具神秘性的方向发展,甚至与巫术联系起来。然而,天(神)谴说或者末世说的防治措施甚至连
最基本的医学常识都算不上,但这却没有影响到这两种解释的流传。我们认为,这与中世纪基督教传统中的“身心二元论”有关。
The
Significance
of Plague for Intellectual History
-----On
the cognizance of
the Black Death in Medieval England
To the Black Death,
the sociality
of the medical in England
practice had represented on the people’s knowledge of it and
which was the
premise of the cure to the epidemic. With the limitations of
the medicine,
people at that time were hard to make correct judgement, they
mystified the
plague and thus formed three interpretations: Punishment、eschatology
and astrology. Punishment eschatology made interpretation
about the concrete
event in regard of the Christian tradition, both were subject
to the religious
chain of “ origional sin- atonement- trial”and thought the
plague were the
punishment of humans evil. They also had different in some
aspects. Punishment
was the church’s judgement of the realistic castrophy, they
thought the
degradation of the social morals was the main cause of the
God’s anger. Punishment
had became the the main interpretation of the Black Death
because the church
took the lead of propaganda and organization. As the advocator
of the Punishment,
the orthodox church did not believe the world would come to
the end, on the
contrary, they thought the Punishment was the prophesy to the
end of the day
and declared the Black Death was the
catastrophy of the coming of the Antichrist. This kind
of prophesy
mostly denied the church’s instructions and rules and was
denounced and
abondoned by the orthordox church and the royal power. The
astrology had
attributed the Black Death to the motion of celestial bodies
and on basis of
the integratation of theology and astrology the astrologists
asserted the cross
of the eclipse and the conjunction of Saturn and Mars and
Jupiter in Aquarius
was the main cause of the Black Death.
◎◎◎ Section 5-B
1、朱德明:近代浙江的西医医疗机构
近代浙江的西医医疗机构有教会、国立和私立创
办三种,其中教会医院开张最早,地处宁波地区,而多数西医医疗机构云集在杭州等地,它们为近代浙江人民的医疗卫生保健事业做出了卓越
的贡献,值得胪述。
Epidemics
and regional
diseases in contemporary Zhejiang
During the
Daoguang-Xianfeng
period, epidemics usually broke out in South of Zhejiang. From
the late
Daoguang period to Tongzhi period, with the beginning of
Taiping Rebellion,
epidemics frequently broke out in the Northwest of Zhejiang
and were connected
with the epidemic situation in southern Jiangsu
and Anhui.
the epidemic situation covered a large area and cost a lot of
people’s lives.
After the crake down of Taiping Rebellion, epidemics occurred
occasionally. The
major ones were black plagues, cholera, and malaria. In the
starting two years
of Tongzhi period, the epidemic situation in Jiangsu,
Zhejiang and Anhui was almost
unprecedentedly serious. By
our estimate, the late part of Qing Dynasty, Jiangsu,
Zhejiang and Anhui were the most
seriously affected areas
by epidemics. For 13 years, epidemics occurred in Zhejiang,
making it the most epidemically
active area in the whole country since the Ming Dynasty. The
same was true
during the Republic of China period. Epidemic situations in
contemporary Zhejiang
mostly occurred
during Daoguang, Xianfeng, and Tongzhi period and were
war-incurred. After we
reviewed the epidemic situations, regional diseases, and their
damages in
Hangzhou, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Huzhou, Jinhua, Quzhou, Zhoushan,
Taizhou, Lishui
and another three areas, we concluded that Zhejiang was among
the most
seriously affected areas by epidemics in contemporary China.
2、王建国:STS教育中的医学科学史教育
STS教育的主题不仅仅是科学技术教育,它还包括明确社会责任感、增强公民服务意识和树立正确的世界观、人生
观、道德观和价值观等方面教育。本文中医学科学史教育的各种育人功能都充分体现和证实了STS教育的新的教育思想。
The Teaching of Medical Science History in STS
Education
The themes of STS
education not
only comprise the education of science and technology, but
also include education
in such aspects as the clarification of the sense of social
responsibility, the
enhancement of the citizens’ service awareness, and the
establishment of
correct world view, outlook on life, morality, and values. The
various
educational functions of medical science history dwelled upon
in this thesis
thoroughly reflect and also verify the new educational
thoughts in STS
education.
Since STS education
is
comprehensive education integrating science education,
technology education and
social education, for medical education the education of
medical science
history is the basis of STS education and is the first and
compulsory course in
medical colleges and universities.
The importance of the
teaching of
medical science history in STS education has been receiving
ever-increasing
attention. This is a positive effect resulting from the mutual
interaction
between the development of contemporary science and technology
and the new
demands of medical education. In this effect, the
characteristics and the
important functions of the discipline of medical science
history are being made
clearer and clearer, and finally this discipline has become a
bridge and a link
between nature and society, between science and technology,
between medicine
and humanities, between knowledge and civilization, between
development and
harmony. Its educational functions can strengthen the root of
STS education in
medical colleges and universities. Therefore, fully
understanding the
educational functions of medical science history and carrying
out STS education
leading the students in the directions of pursuit of truth,
orientation toward
good and valuing of beauty have become an irreversible and
natural trend.
The following is the main content of the
thesis:
1.The Pursuit of Truth:
Cultivating Intellectuality as a Function of Medical Science
History
1.1 The Cultivation of the Spirit of
Science
1.2 The Cultivation of the Critical
Spirit
1.3 The Cultivation of Ways of Thinking
1.4 The Cultivation of Innovative
Capacities
2.The Pursuit of Good:
Fostering Good as a Function of Medical Science History
2.1. The Fostering of Sense of
Responsibility
2.2 The Fostering of Sense of Sympathy
2.3 The Fostering of Sense of Enterprise
3.The Cultural Spirit:
Cultivating Beauty as a Function of Medical Science History
3.1
The
Cultivation of Non-logical Ways of Thinking
3.2
The
Cultivation of Esthetic View on Life
4.The Education of Medical
Science History in Medical
Colleges
and Universities
4.1The
Demand
of the Education of Humanity Qualities in Medicine
4.2The
Need
of the Development of Medical Technology
4.3The
Need
of the Results of the Present Scientific Research
3、兰咏梅:论医学生的人文素质培养
随着医学科学的飞速发展和医学模式的转变,当
今社会和医学科学对医学人才的要求也发生了变化。特别是生物-心理-社会医学模式强调医学的人文性与社会性,这就对现代医学模式实践
主体的医科学生在人文素质教育方面提出了新的标准。近几年来,我国高等医学教育已进行了一系列改革与调整,但从总体情况来看,仍存在
一些问题。本文就加强医学生人文素质教育谈几点认识。