〈「民之父母」，「其無後乎」？──論先秦儒家古典憲政思想的進度與限度（上）〉
李念祖
摘要
從孔子到孟子，界定君民關係的民之父母觀念從對君王道德責任的期許，進入了君王善盡道德義務的要求。告誡始作俑者身為民之父母，不可率獸食人，寓藏著民之父母舉行祭祀不得牲人的禮法思想；民之父母思想也漸從接駁血緣政治的正當性轉向以民意接駁天命正當性的可能；內在於民之父母觀念的民本思想並將民權推向神權之先的位置；民之父母所蘊含的人道觀念，也不可避免地撞擊並動搖牢不可破的禮教階級堅持；種種約束君王濫用武力戕害人民、善用資源為民興利的較高法意識，也在先秦踱向漢代的歷史經驗中出現，無體的人國之禮於是乎在。
以其探及憲政思想的進度言之，從孔子到孟子的民之父母說，漸漸彰顯了人牲非禮的祭祀政治秩序規範；用合乎天命的仁義道德而非血緣關係來證成統治正當性；據於民本思想提昇人民的位置並淡化了神權的政治作用；人牲非禮思想背後隱然連結平等的人道觀埋下挑戰禮教階級不平等的種籽……。
關鍵字：民之父母、天命、民本、人殉、人國之禮
The Parent King; Any Offspring?-
On the Progress and Limits of Classical Constitutionalism in Pre-Qin Confucianism(Part I)
Li, Nien-Tsu
Abstract
From Confucius to Mencius, the concept of a parent king evolved from emperors fulfilling moral duties into ones who owed an obligation to their subjects. Mencius’ admonishment that a parent king cannot be a commander of man-eating beasts is rooted in a li taboo against human sacrifice as a ceremonial exercise conducted by the parent king. The institution of parent king gradually shifted from emphasizing the legitimacy of the ruler under a patriarchal clan system to tracing the source of the ruler’s legitimacy to a proven mandate from heaven. But the humanism inherent in the benign parent king inevitably shook the hierarchical foundation of the li institutions of Confucianism.
Keywords: the parent king, mandate from heaven, humanism, human sacrifice, li between the state and its individual subjects
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〈因人致罪──保人與唐代獄訟制度〉
劉馨珺
摘 要
《唐律》所謂因人以致罪，是指由於他人犯罪而連累獲罪者，包括藏匿罪人，或過致資給及保、證不實等三大類。在「犯罪共亡捕首」（總38條）中，則規定罪人如果自死、自首或遇赦，所受連累罪的保人亦得隨之免予處罰或減輕處罰。易言之，如同「保人不如所任者」（總386）指出隨罪人而得罪者，故與罪人「同坐」、「同罪」或「減所保罪人罪二等」。在「赦書到後百日」（總35條）中，又指出「見在不首，故蔽匿者，復罪如初」，不過「賣買有保，既經赦原，無問百日內外，雖不自首」，不必坐罪。由於《唐律》將保人視作非正犯，因此得以不受處罰。
唐代的訴訟過程中，究竟在哪些場合需要保人呢？保者既關於犯罪，就有保他人無犯罪事實，及保他人不逃避，甚至訟結之後的取結，有保其不再為非。就官吏犯罪而言，原來任官的推薦保人應承受何種罪罰，以及「責保停務」又是如何實際操作呢？就百姓而言，嫌疑犯被杖拷滿二百數而不認罪時，也要取保；犯徒流的罪人若有保者，則可以脫掉盤枷刑具，當犯罪事實明確的犯人申請保辜時，如何尋求適當保人，以便外出對被害人進行照料呢？在各種案類中，保人的罪罰果然如刑律所言，僅僅處以減罪人二等，抑在遞送保證的文書時，另附有其他申明加重刑罰的文字呢？
本文從《唐律》中所見保人的刑罰著手，分析保人在法令中的性質及案件類型；並進一步搜集唐代保人相關文書之史料，對比法令的規範，深入了解唐代的保人角色，最後嘗試分析保人的來源，觀察保人和犯罪人的關係，以及保人成為唐代社會安全保障一道防線的可能性。
關鍵字：唐律、因人致罪、保人、保任、保證、取保、責保、保辜
Guilt-by-Association—Guarantor and the Judicial Litigation System in the Tang Dynasty
Liu, Hsin-Chun
Abstract
The Tang Code defines “guilt-by-association” as crimes resulting from other people’s illegality, including crime of shielding, crime of providing help to criminals, and crime of perjury. In the regulation “the surrender for accomplice who informs against or kills the principal offender,” the Tang law specifies that if a criminal commits suicide, chooses voluntary surrender, or is granted pardon, the people who are sentenced to judicial penalty due to “guilt-by-association” could also be commutated. In other words, this situation can be compared to that “the guarantor shall face the legal consequences of any false statements or failure to meet the aforementioned obligations.” Therefore, since “guilt-by-association” was a result of others’ illegality, the guarantor’s sentence and commutation are also correlated. The regulation “One Hundred Days after Being Granted Pardon” describes that even a criminal is granted pardon, the criminal still has to give him/herself in within the framed one hundred days; if the criminal fails to do so, then the pardon will be revoked and the criminal has to serve the sentence as originally adjudicated. However, the Tang law also specifies that this regulation does not apply to the guarantor when “a person who becomes guilty due to being guarantor for trades, once the person is granted a pardon, he/she does not have to give him/herself in within the framed one hundred days.” Therefore, even the framed one hundred days passed, the guarantor is not guilty anymore. This exception was made due to the guarantor was not considered as principal offender in the Tang Dynasty, so the guarantor would not be punished accordingly.
During the process of legal disputes in the Tang Dynasty, in which situations was the guarantor required? Since this kind of guarantor specifically posted bail for the insured person’s legality, the guarantor had to ensure that the insured person was innocent and would not flee; further, the guarantor had to consider how the bail would be posted after the case was closed, which implies that the insured person would never commit illegality. As for the government officials’ case, what punishments would the government officials’ guarantors receive and how “guarantor takes responsibility under suspension from duty” was actually practiced? For civilians, when the defendant did not plea guilty after receiving punishment of flogging (beaten by wooden staves) two hundred times, the civilian defendant was obliged to have a guarantor. If a prisoner who had banishment in order could find a guarantor, the prisoner could take off handcuff on the way to destination. When an offender applied for the victim protection institution (the system of grace allowed to offenders for the purpose of awaiting their repentance shown and efforts made to rescue the wounded or the dying on which to base the measurement of penalty), how could the offender find a proper guarantor so that the offender could be released from prison temporarily to take care of the victim? In the variety of cases, whether or not that the “guilt-by-association” guarantor, as the Tang code regulated, was only sentenced to punishment “two times lighter than the insured person,” or is it that there were any heavy penalty imposed when submitting the guarantee document?
This article investigates the penalty of guarantor listed in the Tang code, analyzing the role of guarantor in regulations and legal cases and further collecting related documents and records about guarantor in the Tang Dynasty. By comparing with each regulation, this research hopes to gain a fuller understanding of the role of guarantor in the Tang Dynasty, and finally to study the origin of guarantor, to examine the relationship between the guarantor and the insured criminal, and whether or not the guarantor constitutes as a protecting wall for the society in the Tang Dynasty.
Keywords: Tang code, guilt-by-association, guarantor, guaranteed sponsorship, guaranteed a person’s morality, posting a bail, the bail pending trial, victim protection institution (the system of grace allowed to offenders for the purpose of awaiting their repentance shown and efforts made to rescue the wounded or the dying on which to base the measurement of penalty)
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〈「新文類」乎？──余象斗的明代公案研究〉
陳麗君
摘 要
明代公案小說自余象斗將《蕭曹遺筆》納入《廉明公案》始，訟師秘本的文例影響了後面多部公案小說的編纂。余象斗的編纂方式，是前所未有的。他為傳說中的公案故事補上虛擬的法律文例，也就是告詞、訴詞、審語，試圖拉近公案故事與訟師秘本文例集的距離。《廉明公案》由這兩種截然不同的內容組成，以往學者都認為這一類的集子似小說非小說。然著眼於余象斗的加工、編纂，其實透露著些許往小說發展的痕跡，但因余氏書坊商業化的生產方式，導致此一工作成了未竟的志業。他的公案集雖然為後面的幾部明代公案小說開啟了新的契機，但明代公案將法律材料完全轉化為小說，還是沒有在他手中完成。《廉明公案》、《諸司公案》按語、序文，處處受到《疑獄集》這部斷案筆記故事的拘繫，法律痕跡處處，很難說余象斗有意為小說，更遑論「新文類」的開創。
關鍵字：明代公案、判、明代法律、余象斗、訟師秘本
Ming Gong An Fictions
Chen, Li-Chun
Abstract
Ever since Xiang-Dou Yu included “Xiao Cao Yi Bi” into “Lian Ming Gong An”,compilation of many Gong An fictions afterward had been influenced by the legal documents in recipe books for law practitioners. The editing style of Xiang-Dou Yu is unprecedented: in an effort to cut the distance of Gong An stories and legal documents in recipe books for law practitioners, virtual legal documents, i.e., petition, plea and verdict are added into legendary Gong An stories. “Lian Ming Gong An” consists of two distinct components and it is viewed as being quasi-fictional by past scholars. When focusing on the rewriting and editing methods adopted by Xiang-Dou Yu, a trace of formation of fictions is revealed, but it is not fully developed because of commercial considerations of publication of Yu’s bookstore. In his collection of Gong An fictions, Yu opened the door but not finished in his own hand the job that completely transformed law materials into novels as found in later Gong An fictions in the Ming Dynasty. Since many places in comments and prefaces in “Lian Ming Gong An” and “Zhu Si Gong An” are limited by judicial short stories in “Yi Yu Ji” and “Zhe Yu Gui Jian” and showed vestiges of law, it is hard to state that Xiang-Dou Yu intended to create fictions, not to mention a new genre.
Keywords: Gong An fictions in the Ming Dynasty, judgment, law in the Ming Dynasty, Xiang-Dou Yu, recipe books for law practitioners
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〈法律繼受百年──歷史觀點下的「六法全書」〉
黃源盛
摘 要
晚清修律大臣沈家本領銜變法修律，中華法系從此走入歷史，中國導入了歐陸法系，惟還來不及落實，辛亥一役，民國肇建。其後，歷經南京臨時政府、北洋政府、國民政府各時期，1949年之後，兩岸又分裂分治。政權一再轉替，法統延續乎？斷裂乎？很值得細細考察。
本文針對百年來清末民國與台灣的社會變遷與法律文化，從立法繼受的宏觀視野，驗往證今，除了回顧華人社會「六法全書」的生成、確立及其消長外，試圖探尋一世紀以來政權更迭與法律體係的承轉關係，並思索若干糾結的法律文化問題。
關鍵字：法律繼受、六法全書、晚清民國、法律文化
A Century of Chinese Legal Reception:a Study of Six Codes from the Perspective of History
Huang, Yuan-Sheng
Abstract
The legal reform during the late Qing Dynasty, which was led by the Minster of Legal Revision, ShenJia-ben (沈家本), replace the traditional Chinese legal system with the Continental European legal system hereafter. However, the Qing government didn’t last long enough to put the new codes into practice. It is worth to research the fracture and continuity of new codes throughout the alternation of sovereignties, chronologically, Nanking Provisional Government (南京臨時政府), Beiyang Government (北洋政府), Nationalist Government (國民政府) and the two co-existing sovereign states across Taiwan Straight since 1949.
This article will focus on a century of social transformation and legal culture to review the present and the past from the aspect of legal reception. Alongside retrospection to the birth, the adoption and vicissitude of “Six Codes” in the Chinese society, it tries to inquire the relationship between the aforesaid alternation of sovereignties and legal system, and contemplates several entwined issues of legal culture.
Keywords: legal reception, Six Codes, late Qing Dynasty, the Republic of China, legal culture
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〈《1813年刑法典》──十九世紀德國現代《刑法典》典範〉
陳惠馨
摘要
本論文主要探討與分析德國巴伐利亞王國《1813年刑法典》及其時代意義。論文分析法典的立法者費爾巴哈對於台灣刑法學研究的影響並探討《1813年刑法典》立法背景及其時代意義。本論文主要分析這部刑法典的實體規定的結構與內涵並藉此瞭解德國刑法的發展歷程。
《1813年刑法典》實體規定部份是以三編結構呈現，第一編類似今日「刑法總則」規定；第二編及第三編則類似今日「刑法各論」規定。跟德國1851年《普魯士刑法典》及1871年的《德國帝國刑法典》相同。論文的最後部份，作者分析十八世紀到十九世紀德國刑法內容的轉變，作者比較巴伐利亞《1751年刑法典》與《1813年刑法典》相同與相異之處，藉此說明德國刑法體例與刑罰方式的變遷。
關鍵字：巴伐利亞刑法典、普魯士刑法典、德國帝國刑法典、刑法總則、刑法分則
The 1813 German Penal Code: The Modern Paradigm in the 19th Century
Chen, Hwei-Syin
Abstract
This paper focuses on the analysis of Germany and the Kingdom of Bavaria, “Criminal Code of 1813”. This paper analyzes the Penal Code and study the legislators Feuerbach on his impact study to the Taiwan's criminal law .
This paper also discusses the legislative background of “1813 Criminal Code” , and analyzes the substantive regulations of the Code. The author hopes this paper can help the reader in Asia understand the structure and the content of the Penal Code and understand the development process of the German Penal Code.
“Criminal Code of 1813” divide into three part. The first part is like “the General Penal Code” now a day. Part II and III are similar to “special section of criminal law”. It is the same with Germany in 1851’s “the Prussian Penal Code” and 1871’s “Empire of Germany Criminal Code.”
In the last part of the paper, the authors analyze the changes of the German criminal law in the eighteenth century and the nineteenth-century and try to compared the Bavarian “Criminal Code of 1751” and “Criminal Code of 1813”, and to find out the same and the differences between this two Code and to explain how the German criminal penalties code has been change.
Keywords: 1813 Criminal Code, 1851 Prussian Penal Code, German Empire Penal Code, kinds of Punishment , general principles of criminal law, special provisions of criminal law
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〈天眼與天平──中西司法者的圖像和標誌〉
張偉仁
摘 要
中國與西方為其理想的司法者所造的形像不同。中國的是鐵面三眼的包公，西方的是幪眼持秤的女神。本文首先分析了司法之目的（追尋個案判決的妥當、同類案件判決的協和以及終極的社會理想），其次討論了中西文化特質對於追尋此目的之方法所生的歧異（比較詳細地闡述了中國為了追尋此目的在理論、制度和實踐方面的演變過程），然後談到司法工作本質上的限制和司法者的功能，指出中西兩個圖像表達的期望都有問題，應該加以修正。
關鍵字：司法之目的、理想的司法者
Images and Symbols of Justice in China and the West
Chang, We-Jen
Abstract
The Chinese image of an ideal judge (an upright and wise official) is different from that of the West (a blindfolded goddess holding a scale and a sword). Both represented unrealistic expectations. This paper analyzes the background of the creation of these images and the theoretical and practical difficulties these “ideal judges” encounter.
Keywords: ideal judges, objectives of the judicial institutions and processes, appropriate decisions and unanimity of decisions
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〈論《點石齋畫報》的「捉姦圖像」〉
楊湘鈞
摘 要
處於當代的我們，很容易透過媒體報導理解何謂「捉姦」；但在傳統社會，到底誰才有資格「捉姦」？被捉的通姦者僅限已婚者？在科學不發達年代，姦，又該如何捉？單憑研析傳統律法或裁判書類，恐難理解傳統社會捉姦全貌。清末民初「石版畫報」的經典——《點石齋畫報》，幫了我們還原傳統社會圖像的忙，也得以讓百餘年後的我們，有了描繪傳統社會「捉姦圖像」的基礎。
本文分析《點石齋畫報》中與捉姦相關的十個案例，發現傳統社會經常有超脫律法字義外的捉姦行為，「捉姦」也非如刻板印象中的隱晦與保守，甚至還有著特殊的社會控制意義，更與當代「捉姦圖像」有著相當歧異。
關鍵字：點石齋畫報、捉姦、圖像、情境、傳統中國法律
“The Image of Catch Adulterer” in “Dianshizhai Pictorial”
Yang, Paulus
Abstract
In contemporary, it is easy through the media reports to understand what is meant “catch adulterer”; but in traditional Chinese society, who was qualified to catch adulterer? The adulterer is limited to a married person? And, in scientific underdevelopment years, how to catch adulterer?
It’s difficult to describe the whole traditional social image just by researching the traditional law or the legal files. Fortunately, the classic lithographic pictorial-“DianshizhaiPictorial”, which was published in the last phase of the Qing Dynasty, help us not only restore the image of traditional society, but also portray the image of catch adulterer in traditional society.
This paper analyzes ten cases in “Dianshizhai Pictorial”, and found, in traditional Chinese society, neither the act of “catch adulterer” rules the traditional law, nor as conservative as we thought, and usually has a special social control meaning. Furthermore, it’s very different from the catch adulterer image in contemporary society.
Keywords: Dianshizhai Pictorial, catch adulterer, image, situation, traditional Chinese law
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〈從按察司到提法司──清末司法改革一瞥〉
張德美
摘 要
1907年清政府進行地方官制改革，改按察司為提法司，管理一省司法行政事務，監督各級審判檢察廳及監獄。清末地方官制改革的目的之一是實現司法獨立，但由於提法司掌握了各級審判檢察廳的人事權、財政權，甚至有權決定各級審判廳的存廢，其結果是提法司在法律解釋、審級制度等許多方面干擾甚至破壞了新式司法機關的正常運轉。提法司本是司法行政機關，卻承載著審判監督的傳統，行使著監督審判的職權，這是司法行政合一體制在清末依然死而不僵的明證。
關鍵字：提法司、司法、行政、監督
From Anchasi to Tifasi-A Glimpse of the Judicial Reform in Late Qing Dynasty
Zhang, De-Mei
Abstract
In 1907, the government of Qing Dynasty reformed the local bureaucracy, and renamed Anchasi to Tifasi. Tifasi conducted judicial administration, supervised court and prosecutors’ offices and prisons, including all levels in each province. The reform was aiming at the independence of the judiciary. However, Tifasi became higher authority of the judicial bodies to control the power to shuffle personnel and finance, moreover to determine the abolition of the court in each level. As the result, to each level of courts Tifasi became the top authority. Meanwhile, Tifasi had the right to conduct legal explanation, also dealt with some special cases as competent government agency. Therefore Tifasi interfered with the normal operation of new judicial organ at the fields of legal explanation and system of appeal etc. Originally, Tifasi was judicial administrative organ, even though it had inherited the tradition of judicial supervision, and exercised its authority on supervision and judgment. The above proved that the judiciary and the administration were combined as one system even in late Qing Dynasty.
Keywords: Tifasi, judiciary, administration, supervision
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〈江庸的法律思想與中國法制近代化〉
江存孝
摘要
傳統中國法制上自先秦兩漢，下至晚清，綿延兩千餘年。清末之際，迫於內憂外患之壓力，為應西風東漸之變化，清廷遂下旨變法修律以圖強。其中最具代表性的人物屬受命擔任修律大臣的沈家本（1840-1913）。在沈氏的領導下，延攬大量留學日本或歐美的留學生協助各項法制近代化的工作，其中江庸可說是擔任沈氏左右手的代表人物之一。然而目前法史學界較少人論及江庸的法律思想，因此本文即欲以「江庸的法律思想與中國法制近代化」為主題進行研究。
江庸（1878-1960）於1901年入選川督派遣留學生前往日本留學，1906年入早稻田大學師範部法制經濟科。回國後，歷任修訂法律館纂修、大理院推事等職。民國改元後歷任大理院推事兼京師高等審判廳廳長、司法部次長、司法總長等。1924年任國立北京法政大學校長、1927年任朝陽大學校長，致力於法學教育。
本文的研究，主要以江庸的著作、筆記等資料為主，並結合江氏的人生經歷，嘗試考察一位法律學者的法律思維與其對中國法制近代化的貢獻。再者，當時中國正處於初繼受外國法律的階段，本文也希望透過站在變法最前線的法律人之眼，一探當時法學者如何思考諸多法律問題。
關鍵字：江庸、民國法制、法制近代化
The Legal Thought of Yong Jiang and the Modernization of Chinese Legal System
Chiang, Chun-Hsiao
Abstract
From the Qin and Han to the Qing dynasty, the history of traditional Chinese legal system is over two thousand years. In late imperial China, the government conducted a series of reformation of law in order to face the severe social impact during that period. Under Jia-Ben Shen’s lead, the key figure of this legal reformation, a group of legal talents who had experience of studying abroad were invited to join the work. In this group, Yong Jiang (1878-1960)was the man of great influence. Although the people were an important part in modern Chinese legal history, there were few studies of Yong Jiang. The article is chiefly concerned with the legal thought of Yong Jiang and the modernization of Chinese legal system.
Yong Jiang (1878-1960), who studied in Japan from 1901. After his return from Japan, he experienced many positions in legal field. In Republic of China, he was a Senior official of the department of Justice and a judge. After 1924, he had engaged in legal education for years as a university principal.
The research will focus on Yong Jiang’s works, notes and his life experience for the purpose of studying his legal thought and contribution to the modernization of legal system. Moreover, through the eyes of the scholar in this legal reformation, the research will also concern with the problems of the transformative progress of foreign law to local law.
Keywords: Yong Jiang, legal system of Republic of China, The modernization of legal system
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